Christianity vs Hinduism Comparison

“Thou shalt have no other gods before me.” – Exodus 20:3

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“Hinduism, the 3rd largest religion in the world, involves the worship of many gods and goddesses which are demons masquerading as such. The philosophy of the New Age movement is largely based on Hindu spirituality. The Hindu gods cannot save one’s soul from hellfire. The only Person who can save one’s soul is the Lord and God Jesus Christ (Acts 4:12). Jesus said He is the Way, the Truth, and the Life and no man can come to the Father except through Him (John 14:6).”

Hinduism: Its Influence, Worldview, and Contrast with Christianity

Not everyone realizes how profoundly Hinduism and other Indian religious traditions have influenced the world beyond India. Yoga, meditation, and the concept of karma have become familiar throughout Western society. Millions of Americans practice yoga, although modern postural yoga often differs considerably from older religious forms. Yoga has deep roots in ancient Indian religious and philosophical traditions, including Hinduism, while related contemplative practices also developed in Buddhism and Jainism. The word karma, now casually used to describe the idea that what goes around comes around, originates in Indian religious thought. Its traditional meanings, however, are considerably more complex—and far more spiritually dangerous—than its popular use suggests.

What Is Hinduism?

Hinduism is not a single, uniform religious system. It encompasses diverse philosophical schools, devotional traditions, scriptures, and religious practices. Nevertheless, several recurring concepts are essential to understanding many Hindu traditions: Brahman, ātman, karma, saṃsāra, and moksha.

In some Hindu philosophical schools, particularly Advaita Vedānta, Brahman is understood as the ultimate reality underlying the apparent multiplicity of the universe. In its highest, nirguṇa conception, Brahman is not a personal God in the ordinary sense of a distinct divine individual possessing attributes. Advaita teaches that liberation involves realizing the fundamental identity of the true self (ātman) with Brahman. Other Hindu schools reject this understanding of the relationship between God and the soul. Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta, for example, understands ultimate reality in personal terms, identifying Brahman with Vishnu or Narayana, while Dvaita Vedānta maintains an enduring distinction between God and individual souls.

Yet even these “personal” traditions fall short of the biblical revelation of the one true and living God. Hinduism also includes traditions devoted to personal deities. The familiar Trimūrti associates Brahmā with creation, Vishnu with preservation, and Shiva with destruction or dissolution. However, these deities do not occupy the same position in every Hindu tradition. Vaishnavas commonly regard Vishnu and his avatars, including Krishna and Rama, as supreme, while Shaiva and Shakta traditions give supreme status to Shiva and Devi, respectively. Many Hindus also worship household, village, regional, and other deities—revealing a fragmented and contradictory religious landscape far removed from exclusive allegiance to the Creator revealed in Scripture.

Beliefs and practices concerning astrology, divination, curses, and ritual protection are also found in Hindu religious and cultural contexts. These are not universal beliefs among Hindus, but they are part of the wider religious landscape and stand in direct opposition to the Bible’s clear prohibition of such occult practices.

The World, the Self, and Liberation

One of the most important differences among Hindu schools concerns the reality of the material world. In Advaita Vedānta, māyā helps explain the appearance of multiplicity and the mistaken perception that individual things possess independent, ultimate reality. Brahman alone is ultimately real in the fullest sense. The world is not simply nonexistent: it is experienced in ordinary life, but it does not possess the same ultimate status as Brahman.

Other Hindu schools affirm the genuine reality of the world and distinguish it from God. It would therefore be inaccurate to claim that every Hindu believes the universe is merely an illusion. Nevertheless, Advaita’s account of the world as ultimately dependent on Brahman presents a fundamentally different—and deficient—understanding of reality from the biblical Creator-creature distinction.

In classical Christian teaching, God created the universe and sustains it, yet creation is not identical with God. The world is neither an independent ultimate reality nor simply God appearing as a multiplicity of forms. God and His creation are distinct, even though creation depends entirely upon Him. Christianity therefore rejects the identification of the Creator with creation as understood in pantheistic systems. Hindu views, by blurring or erasing this essential distinction, leave no room for a personal, holy God who stands over against His creation in sovereign authority and righteous judgment.

Hindu cosmologies commonly describe the universe in terms of recurring cycles of creation, preservation, and dissolution. These cycles differ sharply from the broad narrative structure of the Bible, which presents creation, humanity’s fall into sin, God’s redemptive work in history, Christ’s return, and the final renewal of creation. Hindu traditions differ in their cosmological details, but cyclical time and repeated rebirth are important features of many of them—offering no true beginning, no decisive divine intervention in history, and no final resolution outside endless, weary repetition.

Hinduism’s concept of moksha is likewise different from—and inferior to—the Christian understanding of salvation. Moksha generally refers to liberation from saṃsāra, the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Some schools understand liberation as realizing the identity of the true self with Brahman; others understand it as the soul’s eternal relationship with a personal God. Yoga, meditation, philosophical knowledge, devotion, and disciplined action may serve as paths toward liberation, depending on the tradition.

One of the most popular paths among ordinary people in India is the way of devotion known as bhakti-yoga. This involves a lifetime commitment of surrender to one of the many gods and goddesses of Hinduism, expressed through acts of worship, temple rituals, and pilgrimages. From a Christian standpoint, however, the gods Hindus worship are not the true God at all. Scripture identifies the gods of the nations as demons (Deuteronomy 32:17; 1 Corinthians 10:20). To worship them is to open oneself to spiritual deception and demonic influence rather than to genuine salvation.

In Advaita Vedānta, ordinary identification with the body, mind, and limited ego is an obstacle to realizing the true self. The goal is not merely to improve the individual personality or preserve ordinary self-understanding forever, but to overcome ignorance concerning ultimate reality. Other Hindu schools understand the individual soul differently and do not teach that its individuality is simply an illusion to be dissolved. Yet in every case, the fundamental problem is framed as ignorance, bondage to rebirth, or lack of realization—never as willful rebellion against a holy personal Creator.

From a Christian perspective, this raises a fundamental question: Is humanity’s deepest problem ignorance of the nature of ultimate reality, entanglement in the cycle of rebirth, or alienation from the personal Creator through sin? Christianity answers decisively that sin is central to humanity’s predicament. Human beings do not merely need enlightenment about their identity; they need forgiveness, reconciliation with God, and deliverance from sin and death. Hinduism’s answers leave the real crisis unaddressed.

 

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“…worshiped and served the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for ever” – Romans 1:25

Karma, Caste, and Social Responsibility

The concepts of karma and rebirth have played a significant role in some traditional explanations of social status in India. Certain Hindu texts and interpretations connect one’s birth and circumstances with actions performed in previous lives. Such ideas have sometimes been used to explain or legitimize inherited social hierarchy. Classical Brahmanical texts, including the Manusmṛti, also prescribe distinctions in status, duties, privileges, and punishments according to social category.

These are legitimate subjects of moral criticism. When a person’s inherited social position is interpreted as the consequence of past-life conduct, an existing hierarchy can be presented as the deserved outcome of a moral order extending beyond the present life. Such an interpretation can encourage people to accept their circumstances rather than challenge the social structures that perpetuate inequality. If suffering is explained as the consequence of one’s own previous deeds, there is a real danger that the sufferer’s circumstances will be rationalized rather than remedied—and that justice will be postponed to some future rebirth rather than pursued in the present.

This does not mean that every Hindu accepts caste discrimination or that karma is the sole cause of India’s caste system. Caste has also been shaped by political power, occupation, kinship, economics, and regional history. Hindu individuals and movements have challenged caste oppression, and Hindu traditions contain teachings about charity, compassion, and service. Nevertheless, the existence of such teachings does not erase the hierarchical prescriptions found in important classical Brahmanical sources or the ways religious ideas have sometimes been invoked to defend inherited inequality. The system remains a standing indictment of any worldview that can so easily accommodate or sacralize social stratification.

Christianity offers a different and far superior moral emphasis. Jesus commands His followers to care for the hungry, welcome the stranger, visit the sick, and serve those in need (Matthew 25:31–40). The Christian duty to love one’s neighbor cannot be reduced to a calculation of the neighbor’s social rank or supposed karmic deservingness. Although Christians have often failed to live up to these teachings, the biblical command remains a clear and uncompromising standard by which their conduct is judged—and by which hierarchical justifications are exposed as false.

The central question is not whether individual Hindus have helped the poor—some have—but whether particular religious teachings provide a sound basis for challenging inherited social inequality. Where religious interpretations encourage people to regard social rank as the consequence of previous lives, they deserve serious scrutiny and rejection.

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Reference

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Sources 1, 2  ”O dark one, wondrous and excelling in every way, becomes the accomplishment of those worshippers who living in this world freely make offering to Thee in worship of the greatly satisfying flesh, together with hair and bones, of cats, camels, sheep, buffaloes, goats and men.” – Hymn to Kali Verse 19

A Breakdown Comparison Between Hinduism and Christianity

God

From a Hindu perspective, at the philosophical core, all divine manifestations are expressions of a single, infinite reality known as Brahman. The literal scriptural tradition refers to 33 primary classes of deities (the 12 Adityas, 11 Rudras, 8 Vasus, and 2 Ashvins). Because Hindus view the divine as immanent in all creation and capable of taking endless forms (avatars and regional or personal murtis), the number of recognized manifestations is limitless (often poetically referred to in popular culture as “33 million,” stemming from a mistranslation of the Sanskrit word for “categories”).

While millions of village deities, regional forms, avatars, and celestial beings (devas) are worshipped across India, classical Hindu philosophy views them through a non-dual lens:

  • Polytheism on the surface: Individuals often devotionally focus on specific forms—such as Gaṇeśa, Viṣṇu, Śiva, or Kālī—depending on their personal path.

  • Monism underneath: Virtually all mainstream traditions view these diverse deities not as independent, competing gods, but as different facets, functions, or personifications of one ultimate, formless reality (Brahman).

From a Biblical perspective, there is one sole God possessing the divine omni-properties, who eternally subsists and co-exists simultaneously as three distinct Persons: the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.

The Spirits

In the daily, lived reality of rural Hinduism, worship centers not on abstract philosophical concepts, but on intermediate, highly localized entities known as devatās. These include gramadevatās (village guardian deities), kuladevatās (clan spirits), and sthanadevatās (spirits bound to specific rocks, rivers, groves, or fields). Unlike universal deities, these local spirits exercise authority strictly within their defined territorial jurisdiction (kṣetra). A goddess like Śītalā Mātā in Northern India or Mariamman in the South is propitiated to govern rainfall and ward off disease within her borders, while guardians like Aiyanār protect the village’s physical boundaries. Their character is inherently transactional and dual: fiercely protective when honored with proper sacrifices and offerings, but capricious, wrathful, and dangerous if neglected.
 
From an anthropological standpoint, these Indic devatās are functional parallels or counterparts to the dæmones of Greco-Roman antiquity. In classical thought, a daimōn was not inherently evil, but a lower deity, nature spirit, or personal guardian—such as the famous guiding daimonion claimed by Socrates. These intermediate beings occupied the space between humans and high gods, mediating local fate, crop fertility, and civic protection. In both ancient Greece and rural India, religious life for the average person was grounded in keeping these local territorial powers appeased. 
 
From a traditional Christian standpoint, there is no benign middle tier of regional godheads or territorial nature spirits. Where comparative religion sees a tutelary dæmon or a local devatā, scripture plainly unmasks spiritual entities masquerading as gods to intercept the worship belonging solely to the uncreated Creator.

This unmasking was a central pillar of early Christian theology. Drawing directly on the Apostle Paul’s warning in 1 Corinthians 10:20—“that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils, and not to God: and I would not that ye should have fellowship with devils.“— several Ante-Nicene Christians radically reinterpreted the entire classical pantheon. Apologists like Justin Martyr (First Apology, Ch. 5, 14, 56) and Tertullian (Apologeticus, Ch. 22, 23) argued that the local dæmones revered by the Greeks and Romans were not neutral guardian spirits at all, but fallen angels—malevolent, deceptive entities serving satan to enslave humanity through fear and idolatry. They observed that whether in classical temples or local shrines, these entities demanded blood, fear, and propitiation precisely to keep human souls blind to the true, loving God.

Whether guarding a village boundary in rural India or a sacred grove in ancient Greece, these capricious territorial figures operate through the exact same spiritual architecture. From a Christian standpoint, the gramadevatā and the classical dæmon are one and the same: fallen, demonic powers that keep humanity bound in transactional fear to created things rather than reconciled in freedom to the living God.
 
For more related information: The Demons Behind the Idols.

Holy Scriptures

Hinduism does not have a single universally recognized closed canon equivalent to the Christian Bible. Its sacred literature is traditionally divided into two broad categories: śruti (“that which is heard”), regarded as eternal and of the highest authority, and smṛti (“that which is remembered”), which is secondary and derived. The Vedas (including the principal Upanishads) constitute the core of śruti and hold supreme authority in many Brahmanical traditions. Major smṛti texts include the epics (Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa), the Purāṇas (especially the Bhāgavata Purāṇa), the Dharmaśāstras (such as the Manusmṛti), and the Āgamas and Tantras, which are central in many Śaiva, Vaiṣṇava, and Śākta traditions. The Bhagavad Gītā, though part of the Mahābhārata and therefore smṛti, is one of the most widely revered and influential Hindu scriptures. The authority and practical prominence accorded to particular texts vary significantly among Hindu traditions.

Christianity, by contrast, recognizes the Holy Bible as its sacred Scripture and an authoritative foundation for Christian faith and teaching, although Christians differ over how biblical authority relates to Church tradition and teaching.

Sin

In Hinduism, concepts of sin and wrongdoing vary among traditions and are often understood in relation to dharma, karma, religious duties, and liberation. Moral failing is commonly expressed through terms such as pāpa (sin or demerit), adharma (violation of cosmic and social order), and, in theistic traditions, aparādha (offense against God or the deity). Hindu scriptures speak of sins, personal accountability toward the divine, atonement (prāyaścitta), and divine forgiveness, so it would be inaccurate to claim that Hinduism has no concept of wrongdoing against a deity. Nevertheless, Hinduism does not have one universally accepted doctrine of sin identical to the Christian understanding of humanity’s inherited rebellion against the personal Creator.

In Christianity, all fallen humanity has sinned against God, with Jesus Christ as the sinless exception. Scripture declares, “For all have sinned, and come short of the glory of God” (Romans 3:23). Because sin separates humanity from God and brings the judgment of death, humanity needs a Savior. Christianity proclaims that Jesus Christ came to save sinners through His death and resurrection (Romans 5:8–10; 1 Corinthians 15:3–4).

Jesus Christ

In Hinduism, Jesus is not the Messiah, God’s unique Son. He did not die for the sins of many on the cross. He also did not rise from the dead. He was just a man who realized his divine nature.

In Christianity, Jesus is God’s perfect Son, holy, resurrected, divine (2nd Person of the Trinity, yet fully human.

Salvation

In Hinduism, moksha (liberation) is a central spiritual goal in many traditions. It generally refers to release from saṃsāra, the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth, although Hindu schools differ in their understanding of the liberated state. Some emphasize realizing the identity of the true self (ātman) with ultimate reality (Brahman), while others understand liberation as the soul’s eternal relationship with God. Certain traditions also stress devotion (bhakti) and divine grace as important means to liberation. Thus, Hindu traditions differ over the nature of humanity’s spiritual predicament and the ultimate goal of liberation.

In Christianity, salvation is by God’s grace through faith in Jesus Christ, not earned through human works. Scripture declares, “For by grace are ye saved through faith; and that not of yourselves: it is the gift of God: Not of works, lest any man should boast” (Ephesians 2:8–9). Humanity’s fundamental problem is sin and its consequences, and salvation comes through Jesus Christ’s death and resurrection (Romans 5:8–10; 1 Corinthians 15:3–4). Good works are the fruit of genuine faith, not the meritorious basis of salvation (Ephesians 2:10).

Afterlife or After death

In Hinduism, the dominant framework across most traditions is saṃsāra—the ongoing cycle of birth, death, and rebirth governed by karma. After death, the soul (jīva or ātman) typically takes on a new body according to the moral quality of its previous actions. Temporary heavenly realms (svarga) or hellish states (naraka) may be experienced as rewards or punishments, but these are not permanent destinations; once the accumulated merit or demerit is exhausted, rebirth continues.

Liberation from this cycle is called mokṣa (or mukti). Hindu schools differ significantly on what mokṣa actually entails:

  • In non-dual (Advaita) Vedānta, the individual self realizes its essential identity with the infinite, formless reality known as Brahman. The sense of separate individuality dissolves, often described as absorption or merger into Brahman.
  • In dualistic (Dvaita) and many theistic bhakti traditions, the liberated soul retains its distinct identity and enters an eternal, loving relationship with a personal God (for example, dwelling in Vaikuṇṭha with Viṣṇu/Kṛṣṇa, or analogous states with Śiva or the Goddess). There is no absorption into an impersonal absolute.
  • In qualified non-dual (Viśiṣṭādvaita) thought, the soul is united with God in inseparable dependence and service while remaining distinct.

Thus, while repeated reincarnation until liberation is a shared premise in classical Hindu thought, the final state is not uniformly “reabsorption into Brahman.” That description fits one major philosophical school but does not represent the full range of Hindu views.

In Christianity, there is no cycle of reincarnation. At death, all people will enter heaven or hell based on whether they have salvation in Jesus Christ. The Bible does not support the idea of reincarnation. It is appointed that a man will die once, and after that is the judgment, reads the Bible (Hebrews 9:27; Luke 1:19-31).

(Some of the information in this post is based on What’s the Big Deal About Other Religions? by John Ankerberg & Dillon Burroughs)


Addendum

The Disturbing Content Found in Hindu Texts

Hinduism has no single authoritative scripture equivalent to the Bible or Quran. Its literature is ranked. The Vedas (Śruti) hold the highest formal status. Dharmaśāstra texts such as the Manusmṛti belong to Smṛti (“remembered” tradition). They are traditionally subordinate to the Vedas and were meant to be read alongside custom, regional practice, and other authorities. The Manusmṛti became one of the most influential Dharmaśāstra works, but it was never a universally applied “Hindu code.” British colonial administrators later gave it, and similar Sanskrit legal texts heightened importance within the system of Anglo-Hindu law they constructed.

The passages below are real. They show what major texts prescribed or legitimized. Historical practice varied by region, period, and community; the texts themselves do not automatically prove uniform enforcement across all of Hindu society.

1. Cow Excrement

Cow urine (gomūtra) and cow dung (gomaya) hold significant ritual, purifying, medicinal, and symbolic importance in a wide range of texts, especially the Purāṇas, Dharmaśāstras/Smṛtis, and related literature. Pañcagavya (the five cow products: urine, dung, milk, curd, and ghee) is a standard purifying and expiatory substance.

 

  • Manusmṛti 11.91–92: For intentional drinking of surā (grain liquor), one prescribed penance is to drink boiling-hot cow’s urine, water, milk, ghee, or liquid cow-dung until death. Alternative milder penances also exist. This is a classic prāyaścitta (expiation) rule.
  • Agni Purāṇa: Multiple places (Source) repeatedly prescribe cow urine and dung for bathing, drinking in vows (govrata, taptakṛcchra, śītakṛcchra), sin-destruction, fortune, medical remedies (poison, fever, skin issues, worms, etc.), and general purification. The govrata description (bathing in urine, living on milk, following cows) matches closely.
  • Parāśara Smṛti 11.28: Confirms the five cow products (urine, dung, milk, curd, ghee) plus kuśa-water as pure and purifying. Detailed proportions and mantras for pañcagavya appear in this and related texts.
  • Śrīmad Bhāgavatam (Bhāgavata Purāṇa) 10.6.20: After Pūtanā’s attack, the infant Kṛṣṇa is washed with cow urine, smeared with cow-dust, and protected with cow-dung applied like tilaka while chanting names.
  • Bhāgavata 10.8.22–23: The descriptions of Kṛṣṇa and Balarāma crawling in places mixed with cow dung and urine, and appearing beautiful when covered in such mud, are authentic.
  • Devi Bhagavata Purana Bk.11 Ch. 11: Detailed instructions on collecting fresh cow-dung (ideally before it hits the ground, from a kapilacow), preparing different types of sacred ash (bhasma) with specific mantras, and using it for purification and desire-fulfillment match the quoted passages.
  • Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa 29:8: The symbolic identification of the cow with the Vedas, and her dung/urine with tranquillity and prosperity, is consistent with Purāṇic praise of the cow.
  • Mahābhārata, Garuḍa Purāṇa, and others: Support the use of dung/urine in vows, bathing (vāyavya bath with dung powder), medical recipes, and daily purity rules (e.g., sitting on dried dung, never voiding on it).

Importance of Cow Excrements. They are treated as highly important in these texts:

  • Purification and sin-removal: Central to pañcagavya, prāyaścitta, and daily/ritual bathing. Contact impurity (including from lower castes or other pollutants) is often remedied by them.
  • Vows and salvation: Specific vratas promise freedom from sin, heaven, or the world of cows through their use.
  • Medicine: Extensive Ayurvedic-style recipes in the Agni Purāṇa and elsewhere use them for a wide range of ailments.
  • Protection and auspiciousness: Applied to infants (as with Kṛṣṇa), used as ash, and praised as destroyers of poverty, bad dreams, and demons.
  • Symbolism: The cow is cosmic; her products participate in that sanctity. Dung and urine are not treated as ordinary waste but as pure and potent.

2. Untouchability

Untouchability is not a later social custom or colonial distortion. It is a scripturally elaborated system of ritual pollution, residential segregation, and graded exclusion rooted in the Dharmaśāstra tradition.

Manusmṛti 10.51–56 orders that Caṇḍālas and Svapakas live outside the village, wear the garments of the dead, eat from broken vessels, own only dogs and donkeys, and wander marked by the king’s command. Their transactions and marriages are restricted to their equals; an Aryan performing religious duty must avoid intercourse with them. This is the classical textual foundation for spatial and social segregation of the lowest groups.

The same literature systematically treats contact itself as defiling. Viṣhṇu Smṛti 5.103 reads: a member of a low caste who must not be touched and who intentionally defiles a twice-born by touch “shall be put to death.”

Minor and major Smṛtis elaborate the rules with clinical detail. Touch by a Caṇḍāla, an unwashed Śūdra, a dog, or a menstruating woman routinely demands fasting plus pañcagavya—the mixture of cow urine, dung, milk, curd, and ghee.

  • Aṅgiras Smṛti 1.39 and 1.9–10: Touch by a menstruating woman, a dog, or a Śūdra requires a night’s fast and pañcagavya; touch by an unwashed Śūdra after meals requires bathing, Gāyatrī recitation, and a half-day fast.
  • Atri Smṛti 1.74, 1.185, 1.233: Touch by untouchable castes requires bathing; taking the residue of their food demands a six-month distressing penance; touch while anointed or with food still in the mouth escalates to a full night or five-night fast plus pañcagavya.
  • Āpastamba Dharmasūtra 4.5, 5.1–2, 7.5, 7.19: Touch by a Caṇḍāla before washing after excretion or after a meal requires three- to six-night penances with pañcagavya; a menstruating woman touched by a Svapaka or Caṇḍāla must fast three nights; a Brāhmaṇa woman in menses touched by a Śūdra woman in the same state must fast a full day and night.
  • Parāśara Smṛti 6.25 and 7.22; Yama Smṛti 41; Saṃvarta Smṛti 178; Ūśanas Smṛti 9.75–76: Drinking water from a Caṇḍāla’s tank, touch by a dog or Śūdra before mouth-washing, or contact with Caṇḍālas, outcastes, corpses, or women in childbed all require fasting or bathing with clothes on, often completed by pañcagavya.
  • Vyāsa Smṛti 1.10–12: Even conversation with the lowest castes (Caṇḍālas, Śvapacas, Medas, and others) must be expiated by ablution and sight of the sun.
  • Nārada Purāṇa 1.14.2–3 and Garuḍa Purāṇa 1.222.20–21: Touch while eating or by an outcaste escalates the penance to three- or five-night fasts with thrice-daily baths and pañcagavya.

Women in menstruation are equated with the lowest categories. Aṅgiras Smṛti 1.37–38 states that on the first day she is a Caṇḍāla woman, on the second a murderer of a Brāhmaṇa, on the third a washer-woman, and only on the fourth day purified.

Śūdras as a class are barred from Vedic study, major sacrifices, and frequently from uttering “Oṃ” (Source, 1, 2). Dead Brahmins must not be carried by them (Manu Smṛti 5.104). Food, water, or residual contact with them is repeatedly declared polluting. The Uttara Kāṇḍa of the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa records Rāma beheading the Śūdra ascetic Śambūka for performing austerities “in violation of dharma”; the gods rejoice and shower flowers (Source).

These are not fringe opinions. They appear across the Dharmaśāstra corpus that classical Brahmanical tradition treated as authoritative for purity, penance, and social order. The earliest Vedic layers lack this full apparatus of residential exclusion and touch-taboo, but the later legal and epic literature developed it systematically and linked it to the birth hierarchy of the four varṇas. Actual historical practice varied by region and period, yet the texts themselves leave little ambiguity: certain births rendered persons permanently polluting, contact required ritual cleansing with animal products, and intentional breach could be punished by death.

3. The Caste System

The caste system is not a later social aberration or colonial invention. It is a scripturally grounded, birth-based hierarchy with explicit discrimination, graded punishments, ritual exclusion, and divine sanction for Brahmin supremacy.

Foundational Charter in Śruti

The system rests on the cosmic ranking of the Purusha Sūkta itself. Ṛigveda 10.90.12 declares:

“The Brāhmaṇa was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rājanya made. His thighs became the Vaiśya, from his feet the Śūdra was produced.”

This was not treated as mere metaphor. Later tradition took it as the charter for ranking human beings by origin and birth.

Birth, Not Merit

Texts repeatedly insist the hierarchy is natal and irreversible in a single lifetime.

  • Chāndogya Upaniṣad 5.10.7: Those of good conduct attain birth as Brāhmaṇa, Kṣatriya or Vaiśya; those of evil conduct attain “an evil birth, the birth of a dog, or a hog, or a Caṇḍāla.”
  • Āpastamba 1.1.1.4–5: There are four castes; “amongst these, each preceding (caste) is superior by birth to the one following.”
  • Mahābhārata 13.143.6 and 13.27: The status of a Brāhmaṇa is attained only through original creation or birth; it is “incapable of acquisition by a person belonging to any of the three other orders.”
  • Manusmṛti 1.98–99 and 10.3: The very birth of a Brāhmaṇa is “an eternal incarnation of the sacred law”; he is “the highest on earth, the lord of all created beings” and “the lord of all castes” by superiority of origin.
  • Mixed unions produce degraded castes (Manusmṛti 10.6–23). The most extreme—Śūdra father and Brāhmaṇa mother—yields the Caṇḍāla, “the lowest of men.”

Classical commentators on Bhagavad Gītā 18.41 (Śaṅkara, Ramanuja, Sri Sridhara Swami, and others) routinely link the guṇa-and-karma language back to this birth hierarchy determined by past-life karma.

Brahmin Supremacy and Legal Immunity

Brahmins stand above ordinary law in several decisive respects.

  • Manusmṛti 8.379–381: Tonsure is the “death-penalty” for a Brāhmaṇa; for other castes the penalty is actual death. “There is no greater crime on earth than the slaying of a Brāhmaṇa”; the king must not even think of it.
  • Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra 2.4.1: “Everybody except a Brahmin is subject to corporal punishment for adultery.”
  • Āpastamba Dharmasūtra 2.27.14–17: A Śūdra who hurls abusive words has his tongue cut out; one who pretends equality is flogged; one who kills, steals or appropriates land is executed. A Brāhmaṇa guilty of the same crimes is merely blindfolded.
  • Agni Purāṇa 227.51: The king should kill criminals of the Śūdra and other communities but only banish Brāhmaṇa sinners.
  • Mahābhārata 13.151 and Parāśara Smṛti 8.25: Even a Brāhmaṇa destitute of knowledge or of bad character remains a high deity and deserves respect; a Śūdra of controlled passions does not.

Servitude, Property and Economic Subordination

  • Manusmṛti 8.413–417: A Śūdra, whether bought or unbought, “shall [be made] to do servile work; since it is for doing servile work for the Brāhmaṇa that he has been created.” The Brāhmaṇa “may confidently have recourse to seizing the goods of the Śūdra… for the Śūdra has no property.”
  • Manusmṛti 10.129 and Mahābhārata 12.60.28–36: Even if able, a Śūdra shall not amass wealth, lest he harass the higher castes; whatever he possesses lawfully belongs to his master.
  • Manusmṛti 10.125 and 5.140: Remnants of food, old clothes and refuse are to be given to him; his food is “the fragments of an Arya’s meal.”

Graded Punishments and Ritual Exclusion

The most severe corporal penalties fall on lower castes for offences of speech, posture or instruction.

  • Manusmṛti 8.270–283, 8.272, 8.279: A once-born who insults a twice-born has his tongue cut out; a low-born who strikes a superior has that limb amputated; sitting on the same seat brings branding and banishment or cutting of the buttocks; spitting, urinating or breaking wind against a superior brings cutting of the corresponding organ. If a Śūdra “through arrogance… teaches Brāhmaṇas their duty, the king shall pour heated oil into his mouth and ears.”
  • Gautama Dharmasūtra 12.4–6: If a Śūdra intentionally listens to the Veda, his ears shall be filled with molten tin or lac; if he recites, his tongue is cut out; if he remembers, his body is split in twain.
  • Parallel rules in Āpastamba, Viṣṇu, Nārada, Matsya and Agni Purāṇas intensify the same pattern: mutilation or death for lower castes, lighter or non-corporal penalties for Brāhmins.

Ritual and social exclusion is equally absolute:

Social Commentary on the Caste

Scholarly consensus (across anthropology, history, and Indology) holds that the hereditary, hierarchical caste (varṇa-jāti) system has deep roots in classical Hindu textual traditions, was widely practiced in historical Hindu societies for centuries, and remains intertwined with lived Hinduism—even as modern reformers and the Indian Constitution reject discrimination. It is not a mere colonial invention (though colonial administration rigidified and enumerated it).
 
B.R. Ambedkar (Hindu by birth; major critic and architect of the Indian Constitution stated:

“The effect of caste on the ethics of the Hindus is simply deplorable. Caste has killed public spirit. Caste has destroyed the sense of public charity. Caste has made public opinion impossible. A Hindu’s public is his caste. His responsibility is only to his caste. His loyalty is restricted only to his caste. Virtue has become caste-ridden, and morality has become caste-bound. There is no sympathy for the deserving. There is no appreciation of the meritorious. There is no charity to the needy. Suffering as such calls for no response. There is charity, but it begins with caste and ends with caste. There is sympathy, but not for men of other castes.” (Annihilation of Caste, 13.1)

Mathieu Claveyrolas stated that the caste hierarchy is rooted in Hindu ritual ideology of purity and relative access to sacrifice; varṇa and jāti practices are consubstantial with mainstream Hinduism to a significant degree:
 
“As a concluding attempt, let us answer our original interrogation, and argue that castes and Hinduism are indeed, to a great extent, consubstantial.” (“The Oxford Handbook of Caste”)
“No wonder, then, that castes have been able to prevail at the very core of the Indian society, but also to grow both beyond the limits of Hinduism (see castes in Indian Islam or Christianity), beyond the limits of religious matters (see social contestation movements and political lobbying based on caste affiliations), and beyond the Indian territory and society (see diasporic contexts).” (Ibid.)
 

Historical and Social Weight

Again, these are not obscure or fringe passages. The Purusha Sūkta is Śruti. The Manusmṛti and allied Dharmaśāstras (Āpastamba, Gautama, Vasiṣṭha, Viṣṇu, Nārada) shaped classical legal and social ideals across much of the Sanskritic tradition. The epics and major Purāṇas repeatedly restate the body-part ranking, the service duty of the Śūdra, the birth determination of status, and the graded penalties. The resulting ideology of graded ritual purity, occupational restriction, endogamy, differential punishment, and untouchability provided the scriptural backbone for the hereditary jāti system and the practices of exclusion and violence that persisted for centuries.

Reformers and modern Hindus may reject or reinterpret these texts. The Constitution of India abolishes untouchability and discrimination. Yet the classical sources themselves—authoritative within traditional frameworks—do not describe a flexible occupational guild system based solely on personal qualities. They describe a birth-determined hierarchy in which the Brāhmaṇa is lord by superior origin, the Śūdra exists to serve, and severe corporal and social penalties enforce the boundary.

4. Discriminatory Punishments

Manusmṛti 8.270–272 prescribes that a Śūdra who insults a twice-born person with harsh speech should have his tongue cut out. If he arrogantly teaches Brahmins their duty, hot oil is to be poured into his mouth and ears.

Manusmṛti 8.379–380 states that tonsure (shaving the head) replaces the death penalty for a Brahmin, and that a Brahmin should not be killed even for grave crimes but banished with his property intact. Other varṇas face capital punishment for the same offenses. Chapter 8 repeatedly scales fines and corporal penalties according to the caste of both offender and victim.

The Manusmṛti was one of the most influential Dharmaśāstra texts. These verses show that an important strand of Brahmanical legal thought explicitly endorsed unequal punishment based on birth. How consistently any given rule was enforced in actual courts varied across time and place.

5. Lying

Lying Is Explicitly Permitted in Hindu Scriptures: The Texts Themselves Say So

Many people assume that Hindu dharma demands absolute, uncompromising truthfulness at all times. The primary sources tell a different story. Across the Mahābhārata, major Purāṇas, and the early Dharma-sūtras, the tradition itself lists clear exceptions where falsehood is declared sinless, venial, or not condemned. Far from being fringe opinions, these allowances appear repeatedly in authoritative texts.

Here is what the sources actually say.

The Core List of Permitted Falsehoods

Several independent texts give nearly identical lists of situations in which lying is allowed:

  • On the occasion of marriage
  • In matters involving women (including “enjoying a woman,” dalliance, or flattering a woman to bring her under control)
  • When life is in danger
  • When one’s entire property is about to be taken away
  • For the sake of a Brāhmaṇa (and, in several versions, for the protection of cows)
  • In jest or for livelihood

These are not modern reinterpretations. They are stated outright in the texts.

Key Passages

Mahābhārata (Ādi Parva 1.82 / Śarmiṣṭhā’s speech)
“It hath been said, O king, that it is not sinful to lie on the occasion of a joke, in respect of women sought to be enjoyed, on occasions of marriage, in peril of immediate death and of the loss of one’s whole fortune. Lying is excusable on these five occasions.”

Mahābhārata (Karṇa Parva / related discussions, often cited as 8.69 in traditional numbering)
“On an occasion of marriage, or of enjoying a woman, or when life is in danger, or when one’s entire property is about to be taken away, or for the sake of a Brahmana, falsehood may be uttered. These five kinds of falsehood have been declared to be sinless.”

Matsya Purāṇa 31.16
Śarmiṣṭhā says: “There is no sin in speaking untruth at the time of indulging in sexual pleasures, on the occasion of marriage, when life is in danger, wealth is at stake, and in joke. Lying on these five occasions is venial.”

Śrīmad Bhāgavatam 8.19.43
“In flattering a woman to bring her under control, in joking, in a marriage ceremony, in earning one’s livelihood, when one’s life is in danger, in protecting cows and brahminical culture, or in protecting a person from an enemy’s hand, falsity is never condemned.”

Vasiṣṭha Dharma-sūtra 16.35
“(Men) may speak an untruth at the time of marriage, during dalliance, when their lives are in danger or the loss of their whole property is imminent, and for the sake of a Brāhmaṇa; they declare that an untruth spoken in these five cases does not make (the speaker) an outcast.”

Manusmṛti 8.112
“There is no serious offence in swearing (falsely) to women, the objects of one’s desire, at marriages, for the sake of fodder for a cow, or of fuel, and in (order to show) favour to a Brāhmaṇa.”

Notice how consistently two categories appear:

  • Protecting one’s entire property (or when wealth/property is at stake)
  • For the sake of a Brāhmaṇa and, in the Bhāgavata and related texts, protecting cows and brahminical culture

These are not minor footnotes. The tradition repeatedly places the preservation of property and the protection of cows and Brahmins among the situations where falsehood carries no sin. When the texts themselves declare these falsehoods “sinless,” “venial,” or “never condemned,” the claim that Hindu dharma forbids all lying collapses under the weight of its own sources.

Truthfulness remains the general ideal. The same corpus that praises truth also carves out these explicit exceptions. Anyone who insists that Hindu scriptures demand absolute honesty in every circumstance is simply not reading the texts carefully—or is choosing to ignore the parts that do not fit a preferred narrative.

The sources are clear. Lying is permitted.

6. Sati (Widow Burning)

The Mahābhārata (1.125.33; 1.126.30; 1.95.63-64; 16.7.24-26) depicts Madri’s self-immolation on her husband’s pyre as an expression of devotion and wifely duty. In Book 1 (Ādi Parva, Section 125; also mentioned in Devi Bhagavatam Purana 2.6.53-71), after Pāṇḍu’s death, Madri insists on ascending the funeral pyre over Kunti, arguing that she must accompany her lord.

Numerous secondary and later texts strongly incentivize and praise the practice by promising grand celestial rewards. The Garuḍa Purāṇa (1.107.29, 2.4.88–97), Parāśara Smṛti (4.32-33), Agni Purāṇa (222.19–23), Kūrma Purāṇa (2.34), Brahma Purāṇa (verses 74-84), Śiva Purāṇa, and Skanda Purāṇa explicitly state that a woman who immolates herself on her husband’s pyre resides in heaven for as many years as there are hairs on a human body—specifically three and a half crore years—while cleansing her husband of grave sins (even Brahman-slaughter) and pulling him out of hell. Conversely, surviving widows face severe social restrictions, loss of independent status, and cultural pressure, with some texts treating non-immolation as a failure of wifely duty.

According to Dr. David Brick, as written in his book, Widows Under Law (pp. 274-277), the Dharmaśāstra tradition supported and encouraged sati through several key arguments and scriptural developments:

  • Prescription as a Legitimate Option: Early medieval Smṛti texts (such as the Viṣṇu Dharmaśāstra and Parāśara Smṛti) first introduced sati by prescribing it as a legitimate, spiritually valid alternative to lifelong celibacy for widows.

  • Promise of Liberation (Moksha): While early commentators argued sati only granted temporary residence in heaven, later texts (Nirṇayasindhu and Dharmasindhu) cited specific Smṛti passages claiming that performing sati directly results in liberation (moksha) from the cycle of rebirth, putting it on equal or superior footing to lifelong celibacy.

  • Lavish Praise and Prestige: Texts showered the practice with extravagant praise, framing it as a supreme act of devotion and honor that elevated family and personal status.

  • Removal of Brahmin Restrictions: Over time, legal authorities reinterpreted older verses to lift the strict ban preventing Brahmin women from performing sati, eventually permitting them to ascend funeral pyres (initially separate, later unified).

  • The Carrot-and-Stick Dynamic (Asceticism as an Inducement): The tradition instituted harsh, socially isolating ascetic rules for surviving widows (appearing around the 12th–14th centuries). Because surviving widowhood meant enduring severe material deprivation and social ostracism, this environment implicitly functioned as an inducement or push toward choosing sati instead.

Despite these extensive scriptural endorsements across the Puranas, epics, and legal Smritis, Sati was never a uniform or universal mandate. References in early Vedic literature are virtually nonexistent, and epic accounts are largely confined to elite or royal figures. While later centuries saw the practice become more prominent in specific regions and high-status groups, it remained internally contested throughout Indian history until it was legally banned in 1829 and criminalized under modern law.

7. Prostitution and Sexual Services

Hindu scripture does not contain a uniform prohibition against prostitution. On the contrary, certain Hindu texts explicitly recognize, regulate, and in some contexts positively prescribe prostitution, courtesan activity, and sexual services.

For example, the Viṣṇu Smṛti 16.12 describes an occupation based on maintaining public women for profit:

“Vaidehakas must live by keeping (dancing girls and other public) women and profiting by what they earn.”

This is significant because the text is not merely describing prostitution as something that happens in society. It recognizes an occupation in which men maintain women who provide sexual or entertainment services and derive income from their earnings.

Even more striking examples occur in the Purāṇas. The Padma Purāṇa 1.23.130b–142 explicitly refers to prostitutes and describes sexual services to Brahmins as part of a religious observance:

“Whosoever comes to her house for sexual enjoyment should be similarly honoured on a Sunday and should always be adored. Thus till the thirteenth month arrives, she should gratify a Brahmana and then send him to his house…”

The passage concludes:

“This (vow) I have especially narrated to you, since this is the duty that should be always performed by the prostitutes in this world.”

Likewise, the Matsya Purāṇa 71.26–30 contains a passage in which Indra instructs women to live as prostitutes and accept payment from men who seek their company:

“You should satisfy those who would come to you with adequate sum of money to enjoy your company…”

The same Purāṇa contains another passage describing women who are expected to satisfy the sexual desires of a Brahmin:

“Each and every desire of that Brahmana should be satisfied by the woman devote. She should, with all heart and soul and with a smile on her face, yield herself up to him.”

These passages do not establish that every Hindu tradition regarded prostitution as morally good, nor do they prove that prostitution was universally practiced throughout Hindu society. Hindu texts contain diverse and sometimes conflicting teachings, and historical practice varied considerably by period and region.

At least some Hindu scriptures explicitly recognize prostitution as an institution, regulate the economic activity surrounding prostitutes, and prescribe sexual services by prostitutes within particular religious contexts.

8. Slavery and Sex Slavery

Manusmṛti 8.415 lists seven kinds of slaves/bondsmen: those captured in war, those who serve for food, those born in the household, those who are bought, those who are given, those who are inherited, and those enslaved by way of punishment.

Manusmriti 7.96 states that women (along with other property) belong to the victor in war. Female slaves could not own property (Manusmriti 8.416), and offspring born to a slave woman generally belonged to her owner (Manusmriti 9.54–55).

Narada Smriti Quotations from Narada 8.9: ”It is by permission (of the owner) only that a female slave, cattle, or an estate may be enjoyed (by a stranger). He who enjoys that which had not been given up to him (by the owner) must pay for the (illegitimate) enjoyment of what he had been enjoying.”

Sexual relations with female slaves are explicitly permitted. Narada Smriti 12.78 (in Sanskrit) states: “Intercourse is permitted with a wanton woman who belongs to another than the Brahman caste, or a prostitute, or a female slave, or a female not restrained by her master (niṣkāsinī), if these women belong to a lower caste than oneself; but with a woman of superior caste, intercourse is prohibited.” 

According to Kātyāyana Smṛti Verse 63.11 [723], it assumes the master’s sexual access to one’s female slave is legitimate. Then it encourages emancipation if she bears his child: “When a master has sexual intercourse with his female slave and she gives birth to a child, the master, considering the seed [which is his own], should grant freedom to that female slave along with her offspring; she is no longer to be regarded as a slave.”
 
Hindu texts have rules that impose fines (or other penalties) on a third party for sexual intercourse with another person’s female slave (dāsī), treating the act primarily as an infringement on the owner’s rights/property rather than centering the slave woman’s personal autonomy. 
 
Manu Smriti (Laws of Manu) 8.363: “Yet he who secretly converses with such women, or with female slaves kept by one (master), and with female ascetics, shall be compelled to pay a small fine.”
 
Yājñavalkya Smriti 2.290–291: “A man who has sexual intercourse with female slaves who are guarded, with concubines, or with women who are otherwise accessible (free to be approached) shall be fined fifty panas. For forcibly violating a female slave, a fine of ten panas is prescribed; if she is forced by many men, each of them shall separately pay a fine of twenty-four panas”

“For forcibly violating a female slave, a fine of ten panas is prescribed; if she is forced by many men, each of them shall separately pay a fine of twenty-four panas.”

These passages consistently treat unauthorized sexual access to another’s female slave as a finable offense against the owner’s proprietary rights.

Dharmaśāstra literature did not abolish slavery. It recognized and regulated multiple forms of servitude. The institution of slavery and related forms of dependent labor existed in ancient and medieval India, though its character differed from later Atlantic plantation slavery.

Donald R. Davis, Jr.’s study of the thirteenth-century Smṛticandrikā of Devaṇṇabhaṭṭa exposes how mainstream medieval Hindu jurisprudence treated slavery not as an embarrassment to be minimized, but as a regulated, hierarchical, and (especially for Śūdras) divinely sanctioned institution. The text synthesizes earlier Dharmaśāstra authorities into a coherent legal framework. Below, from his article “Slaves and slavery in the Smṛticandrikā,” are the key passages and Davis’s analysis of them. Davis is a prominent academic specialist in classical Indian legal literature, Sanskrit, and religious history. 

Slavery in Classical Hindu Law: What the Smṛticandrikā Actually Says

Donald R. Davis, Jr.’s study of the thirteenth-century Smṛticandrikā of Devaṇṇabhaṭṭa exposes how mainstream medieval Hindu jurisprudence treated slavery not as an embarrassment to be minimized, but as a regulated, hierarchical, and (especially for Śūdras) divinely sanctioned institution. The text synthesizes earlier Dharmaśāstra authorities into a coherent legal framework. Below are the key passages and Davis’s analysis of them.

Total subordination, not ordinary work

Davis shows that the Smṛticandrikā places slaves on a continuum with other servants, yet sharply distinguishes them by the extremity of their loss of agency:

“slaves are servants under total obligation to benefit another; workers are servants under narrow obligation to benefit another. And, total obligation to benefit another means that they are obligated to benefit another person by denying any means of livelihood for their own personal benefit.”

He continues:

“In the case of slaves, the slave’s body is a pure legal extension of the master’s, with no difference recognised. The law empties slaves of their own desires, decisions, and benefits and fills them with the master’s.”

Kātyāyana supplies the defining analogy, endorsed by the Smṛticandrikā:

“Just as wifehood arises from the gift of a woman’s body for the enjoyment of her husband, so slavehood arises from the gift of one’s own legal independence for the benefit of another person—this is the opinion of the teacher Bhṛgu.”

Nārada adds that slaves “are obliged to perform vile work,” which the text glosses as unclean tasks such as cleaning house-entrances and dirty spaces. Slavery, in this ideology, is simply the logical endpoint of denying people legal independence and the fruit of their own labour—pushed to its absolute conclusion.

Śūdras: created for slavery

The tradition is explicit about who bears the heaviest burden. Manu 8.413, cited and affirmed in the Smṛticandrikā, declares that a Śūdra may be compelled to perform servile work whether purchased or not, because he was created by the Self-existent One for the purpose of servitude. Devaṇṇabhaṭṭa’s own gloss leaves no room for ambiguity:

“Therefore, by whatever means necessary, one should subject a Śūdra to slavery.”

Davis notes that the text treats the raw display of power as “part and parcel of the experience of slavery” for Śūdras, while the same show of power toward higher varṇas can be punishable. The ideology is clear: slavery is “especially appropriate for the lowest social stratum.” Any “softening” of the rules exists primarily to protect the varṇa hierarchy itself, not the enslaved.

Hierarchical protections—and their limits

Brahmins are shielded. The tradition states there is no slavery of a Brahmin, and the Smṛticandrikā reinforces prohibitions against placing them in slave status or under lower-varṇa masters. Davis records the rule: slavery must follow the “natural order” of class; violating it brings the highest fines. This is not universal human equality—it is caste-protected exemption. The same legal literature that exempts Brahmins simultaneously normalizes the coercion of everyone below them.

Fifteen recognized categories of slaves

Nārada’s list, reproduced in the Smṛticandrikā, is expansive: house-born, purchased, acquired, inherited, supported in famine, pledged, debt-released, captured in war, won at gambling, voluntary, apostate from renunciation, fixed-term, subsistence, married to a slave-woman, and one who sells himself.

Davis is careful to note that these are not identical conditions. Hereditary, house-born, and self-sold slaves can generally be freed only by the owner’s grace. Debt, fixed-term, and subsistence slaves have clearer (if still limited) routes to release. Yet the very existence of this detailed taxonomy demonstrates institutional acceptance: classical Hindu law did not merely tolerate slavery—it classified it, regulated its varieties, and embedded it in the caste order. Property belonging to a slave belongs to the owner: “Whatever property a slave may have, his owner is the master of it—this is the tradition.”

The matter-of-factness of slavery

Davis’s conclusion is blunt:

“There’s a matter-of-factness in the Smṛticandrikā’s treatment of slavery that we should not cover up. … Slavery is a permutation of things we all already do and experience. We just push the negation of legal agency and material benefit to its logical conclusion and the result is slavery. … lower-caste slavery is hard to distinguish from slavery itself. Both are explicitly power-driven, respect-denying processes of social exclusion and coerced labour.” (Donald R. Davis, Jr., “Slaves and slavery in the Smṛticandrikā,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 57, no. 3 (2020): 299–326)

In the end, the Smṛticandrikā teaches that slavery sits on a continuum with ordinary service and with the sociolegal experience of caste. The institution is acceptable precisely because it reinforces the “natural” order of varṇa. Upper-caste slavery may be temporary or emergency-driven; lower-caste slavery is structural.

This is not a fringe text. It is a major medieval synthesis of the Dharmaśāstra tradition—one that later authorities continued to cite. The record is clear: classical and medieval Hindu jurisprudence defined, categorized, and legitimated slavery, tied it tightly to caste hierarchy, and treated the total subordination of the slave (especially the Śūdra) as consistent with dharma.

The following passage is an official British administrative observation (later publicized by anti-slavery campaigners) of indigenous domestic slavery that long predated Company rule and continued under it in western/southern Indian territories administered from Bombay, primarily serving the households of local landowning, official, Brahmin, and commercial elites:

“Slavery in Bombay. In Mr. Chaplin’s report, made in answer to queries addressed to the collectors of districts, he says, “Slavery in the Deccan is very prevalent and we know that it has been recognized by the Hindu law, and by the custom of the country, from time immemorial’.” Mr. Baber gives more definite information of the number of slaves in one of the divisions of the Bombay territory, viz., that ” lying between the rivers Kistna and Toongbutra,” the slaves in which he estimates at 15,000; and in the southern Mahratta country, he observes, ” All the Jagheerdars, Deshwars, Zemindars, principal Brahmins, and Sahookdars, retain slaves in their domestic establishments; in fact, in every Mahratta household of consequence, they are, both male and female, especially the latter, to be found, and indeed are considered to be indispensable.”” (Slavery and the Slave Trade in British India; With Notices of the Existence of These Evils in the Islands of Ceylon, Malacca, and Penang, Drawn From Official Documents, p. 3)

According to Scott Levi, slavery was an established institution in Ancient India:

“… while historical records make it clear that the Delhi Sultans and Mughal emperors retained slavery in order to suit their political and economic needs, it should be emphasized that Muslim rulers did not introduce slavery to the subcontinent. Sources such as the Arthaśästra, the Manu-smiti and the Mahābhärata demonstrate that institutionalized slavery was well established in India by beginning of the common era. Earlier sources suggest that it was likely to have been equally widespread by the lifetime of the Buddha (sixth century BC), and perhaps even as far back as the Vedic period? Furthermore, just as slavery was common in India long before the eighth-century Islamic conquests in Sind, recent work demonstrates that the institution continued, in various manifestations, well after the decentralization of the Mughal Empire in the early eighteenth century.” (“Hindus beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade“, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Nov., 2002, Third Series, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Nov., 2002), p. 277)

9. Sexism,  Degrading Women, and Wife Beating

This excerpt outlines the legal, social, and theological status of women across classical and medieval Hindu scriptures (Dharmashastras, Puranas, and legal codes):

  • Inheritance and property
    Women generally have no independent inheritance rights. Sons inherit; daughters receive gifts or inherit only as “appointed daughters” in the absence of sons (and even then the property often reverts to a grandson). Wives, sons, and slaves are declared to have no independent property. Vedic and Dharma texts repeatedly state women are “destitute of a portion.” (Krishna Yajur Veda 6.5.8.2; Manusmṛti 8.416)
  • Preference for sons over daughters
    Sons are essential for ancestral rites, salvation from the hell called “Put,” and lineage continuity. Numerous prayers, rituals (Puṃsavana), and hymns request male children; virtually none request daughters. Some texts describe depositing a newborn daughter or lifting up a son. A wife who bears only daughters may be superseded or abandoned after a set number of years. Garuda Purāṇa states she should be abandoned in the eleventh year. Manu Smṛti and Yājñavalkya Smṛti (with Mitākṣarā commentary) give the same rule. Nārada Smṛti further instructs the husband not to show affection toward such a wife.
    (Krishna Yajur Veda 6.5.10.3; Sankha Smriti 2.1; Narada Smriti 12.94; Brahma Purana 113.75-76; Rig Veda 10.63.15; Garuda Purāṇa 1.115.64; Manu Smṛti 9.81; Yājñavalkya Smṛti 73)
  • Purpose and nature of women
    Women are frequently portrayed as created for procreation, and as embodiments of māyā (illusion), lust, deceit, and impurity. They are described as inherently fickle, untruthful, dishonest, malicious, more lustful than men, lacking in intellect and strength, and dangerous to men’s spiritual progress. Several texts compare them to fire, poison, snakes, or fields to be sown.
    Mahābhārata declares: “There is no creature more sinful than women. Woman is a blazing fire… the illusion that the Daitya Maya created… poison… a snake… fire… They are living lies.” Multiple Purāṇas also claim women possess eight times the lust of men and that even the sight of a well-dressed man (including a brother or son) causes a woman’s body to secrete.
    (Manusmriti 9.17; Manusmriti 2.213-214; Garuda Purana 1.109.14; Manusmriti 9.96; Narada Smriti 12.19; Manusmriti 9.33; Shrimad Bhagavatam 3.31.40; Mahābhārata 13.40)
  • Dependence and lack of autonomy
    A woman is never independent: protected by father in childhood, husband in youth, and sons in old age. Independence is said to lead to ruin. Women are barred from Vedic study, initiation (upanayana), independent sacrifice, or uttering certain mantras. Marriage is their equivalent of Vedic initiation.
    Garuda Purāṇa further states that one should not reside in a land where leadership is vested in a woman or a child, and that “the family is ruined if women rule.”
    (Devi Bhagavatam Purana 6.22.31-36; Manusmriti 5.151; Agni Purana 152.9-12; Matsya Purana 154.156-174; Manusmriti 5.147-148; Garuda Purāṇa 1.115.62; Garuda Purāṇa 1.115.59)
  • Restrictions during menstruation and purity rules
    Menstruating women are treated as impure, sometimes compared to dogs, crows, or outcasts. Contact requires purification; in some texts, they face physical punishment or severe social restrictions. (Shatapatha Brahmana 14.1.1.31; Samvarta Samhita Verse 181; Vasiṣṭha Dharma-sūtra 5.5-6; Manusmṛti 5.85;
    Manusmṛti 3.239)
  • Duties of a wife and treatment of widows
    A wife must serve her husband as a god regardless of his character, eat after him (sometimes his leftovers or the water used to wash his feet), remain silent under abuse, and never remarry.
    Widows face severe restrictions, including tonsure (shaving of the head) in some later texts, sleeping on the ground, avoidance of ornaments, and being regarded as highly inauspicious. Remarried widows and their children are described as “fallen” and said to “burn the family like fire.”
    Widows face severe restrictions (including tonsure in some later texts) and are often regarded as inauspicious. Remarriage of widows is generally prohibited or heavily discouraged for women while permitted for men. (Devi Bhagavatam Purana 6.18.7-24; Devi Bhagavatam Purana 3.19.11; Shiva Purana 2.3.54.25; Shiva Purana 2.3.54.16; Shiva Purana 3.54.26; Manusmriti 5.154;Valmiki Ramayana 2.24.25; Skanda Purāṇa; Brahma Vaivarta Purāṇa)
  • Legal and social inferiority
    Women’s testimony is often discounted or given lower weight. Manusmṛti states that even many pure women are not accepted as witnesses “because the understanding of females is apt to waver.”
    Certain physical features are listed in the Garuḍa Purāṇa as marks of unchastity, adultery, being a “whore,” or bringing death/misfortune to the husband (e.g., specific finger positions when the palm is placed on the ground, dimples when smiling, hanging buttocks, facial hair).
    Women (together with Śūdras and unqualified members of the twice-born classes) are barred from full access to the three Vedas. Bhāgavata Purāṇa notes that the Vedas are not within the hearing of women, Śūdras, and dvija-bandhus, which is why the Mahābhārata was composed for them. Manusmṛti further prescribes that women’s saṃskāras are performed without Vedic mantras, that marriage serves as their equivalent of Upanayana, and that women are “destitute of sacred texts.”
    Cāṇakya Nīti advises against placing trust in women (grouped with rivers, armed men, clawed/horned beasts, and royal families).
    These points are supported by the listed citations (Cāṇakya Nīti; Manusmṛti; Bhāgavata; Garuḍa Purāṇa), which together establish legal discounting of women’s evidence, negative physiognomic characterization, and hierarchical restrictions on Vedic spiritual access.
  • Marital rape
    Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad (6.4.7) describes a husband using force (including striking) against an unwilling wife for sexual intercourse, in the specific context of procreation rites. However, other Hindu texts, albeit less authoritative, such as Viṣṇu Purāṇa (3.11), prohibit marital rape.
  • Wife beating
    Manusmṛti 8.299–300 (and parallel verses in Matsya Purāṇa 227 and Agni Purāṇa): A wife, son, slave, pupil, or younger full brother who has committed a fault (prāptāparādha) may be beaten with a rope or split bamboo, but only on the back, never on a noble/vital part (head, etc.). Exceeding this incurs the guilt of a thief. Commentators (e.g., Medhātithi) note that the intent is correction to keep one on the right path; verbal chastisement is preferred, and actual beating is for serious faults with mild instruments. 
    Manusmṛti 8.371 further states that a wife who, proud of her relatives or her own excellence, violates her duty to her husband may be caused by the king to be “devoured by dogs in a place frequented by many.”
    Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra 3.3: For a refractory wife, limited correction is allowed—up to three beats with bamboo bark, rope, or the palm on the hips. Verbal abuse of certain kinds is restricted. Exceeding the limits is punishable (half the penalty for defamation or hurt). Cruelty by either spouse can draw penalties.
    Garuḍa Purāṇa 1.109.31 (and similar): Contains statements that certain categories (including women, compared in a proverbial way to drums or animals needing tuning/control) are “softened by beating.” These echo the Manu-style disciplinary framing rather than open-ended violence.

The direct references can be here and here.

10. Polygyny

The following accurately reflect passages from Vedic, Brāhmaṇa, epic, and Dharmaśāstra literature that permit and regulate polygyny (one man with multiple wives) while generally condemning polyandry. These texts treat the practice as hierarchical and varṇa-based rather than unrestricted.

Key authentic passages:

“O revered sir, abandoning me you mayest obtain another wife. By her you mayest again acquire religious merit. There is no sin in this. For a man polygamy is an act of merit, but for a woman it is very sinful to betake herself to a second husband after the first.”
— Mahābhārata 1.160.36

“Drupada answered, O scion of Kuru’s race, it has been directed that one man may have many wives. But it has never been heard that one woman may have many husbands!”
— Mahābhārata 1.197.27–28

“O blessed lady, polygamy is not fault with men. Women only incur fault by taking more than one husband.”
— Mahābhārata 14.80

  • Manusmṛti 3.12–13, 9.85–86, 9.149 and parallel Smṛtis (Viṣṇu, Baudhāyana, Vasiṣṭha, Yājñavalkya, Nārada, etc.) formally allow additional wives, preferably in descending caste order after a same-caste primary wife, with rules for ritual precedence and inheritance.
  • Purāṇas (Agni, Mārkaṇḍeya) restate the same varṇa-based limits.

These passages, along with the systematic Smṛti rules, form the core classical textual basis for regulated polygyny in Hindu tradition.

Indeed, various Hindu scriptures—including the Valmiki Ramayana, multiple Puranas (Brahma, Vishnu, Linga, Shrimad Bhagavatam, Devi Bhagavatam, and others), the Mahabharata, and the Upanishads—list numerous examples of polygamy practiced by gods, sages, and kings. Prominent cases include King Dasharatha with 350 wives, Krishna with 16,108 (or more) wives after rescuing women from Narakasura, Vasudeva with 14 wives, the moon-god Soma with 27 wives (the nakshatras), and figures such as Rudra (11 wives), Kashyapa (13), Sage Saubhari (50), King Harishchandra (100), King Sharyati (4,000), and King Sasabindu (10,000).
 
Lesser numbers appear for other deities and sages (e.g., Vishnu with 3, Brahma and Ganesha with 2 each, Agni with 2, Garuda with 5), as well as epic figures like Arjuna (multiple wives including Draupadi and Subhadra) and references implying Rama had more than one. The passages generally present these marriages as pious, prolific, or divinely ordained, often resulting in large numbers of offspring, without condemnation within the narrative contexts of the texts. (Source)

Is polygyny harmful toward women?

Yes! According to multiple systematic reviews and meta-analyses of scientific studies, women in polygynous marriages (one husband with multiple wives) generally experience worse psychological outcomes and other harms compared to women in monogamous marriages. These findings hold across studies primarily from the Middle East, Africa, and parts of Asia where polygyny is practiced, though results can vary by context, wife rank (e.g., senior/first wives often fare worse), socioeconomic factors, and culture. (Source)

Systematic reviews and meta-analyses consistently report elevated mental health problems:

  • Depression: A 2021 systematic review and meta-analysis (24 studies) found women in polygynous marriages had 2.25 times higher odds of depression (95% CI: 1.20–4.20) than those in monogamous ones. (Source)
  • Broader symptom clusters: Meta-analyses using tools like the Symptom Checklist-90 (SCL-90) show significantly higher scores for somatization, anxiety, hostility, interpersonal sensitivity, phobic anxiety, paranoid ideation, psychoticism, and overall Global Severity Index (GSI). Weighted mean differences typically range from ~0.35–0.53 across symptoms. (Source)
  • Other indicators: Many individual studies and reviews report lower self-esteem, reduced life satisfaction, lower marital satisfaction, poorer family functioning, and higher rates of psychiatric disorders. One meta-analysis noted mixed or higher self-esteem/life satisfaction in some polygynous samples alongside worse symptoms, but the dominant pattern is greater distress. (Source)
  • “First-wife syndrome”: Senior or first wives often show particularly high anxiety, depression, family problems, and lower self-esteem compared to later wives, linked to jealousy, resource competition, and status loss. (Source)

A 2020 meta-analysis of 13 studies (3,166 participants) confirmed worsened mental health overall in polygynous women. Earlier reviews (e.g., 2012).  One study reached similar conclusions with moderate confidence based on higher prevalence of these issues.

Other Areas of Harm (Source)

  • Psychosexual functioning: A 2023 cross-sectional study of Somali women found lower Female Sexual Function Index scores (desire, arousal, orgasm, satisfaction) and higher psychological distress (anxiety, depression) among polygynous wives. (Source)
  • Intimate partner violence (IPV): Studies (e.g., from India and elsewhere) link polygyny to higher rates of physical, sexual, and emotional violence against wives, often tied to competition and unequal treatment. (Source)

• • Children and broader family effects: Children of polygynous parents show higher psychological symptom scores in some meta-analyses. Resource dilution, co-wife conflict, and unequal attention are commonly cited mechanisms. (Source) (Source)

11. Judicial Use of Torture and Ordeals (Divya)

Dharmashastra literature (Narada, Yajnavalkya, etc.) accepts physical torture or divine ordeals when ordinary evidence is insufficient, and physical coercion to extract confessions appears in the legal literature. For example:

  • The Ordeal of Fire (Agni): Walking across a red-hot iron plate or holding a heated iron ball.

  • The Ordeal of Water (Jala): Being submerged underwater while an archer shot an arrow, requiring the accused to hold their breath until the arrow was retrieved.

  • The Ordeal of Poison (Visha): Ingesting a measured dose of toxic substance; survival indicated innocence, while death or severe illness indicated guilt.

Nārada Smṛti (I.252 / quotations in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 33):

“The balance, fire, water, poison, and, fifthly, consecrated water, are the ordeals ordained for the purgation of high-minded persons.”

“The five ordeals have been proclaimed by the great sage Nārada, for the justification of those impeached on account of their suspicious conduct, by showing where the wrong lies and where not.”

Yājñavalkya Smṛti (2.95–99):

Lists the five main ordeals — balance (tulā), fire (agni), water (jala), poison (viṣa), and consecrated water (kośa) — to be used especially in serious charges when ordinary evidence is insufficient or when the parties consent.

Ordeal of Fire (Agni-divya)

Nārada Smṛti (on the ordeal by fire):

“Now then I will proclaim the excellent rule regarding the (ordeal by) fire… He should place seven leaves of the holy fig-tree in the hands of the defendant, and should fasten the leaves with seven threads… An iron ball fifty palas in weight having been repeatedly made fiery, sparkling and red-hot…(The accused) should take a smooth ball of red-hot iron… in both hands, and step gradually across the seven circles. When a man has carefully stepped through the (seven) circles… without having burnt himself in the least, he is acquitted. When a bloodshot round stain or any other sore caused by fire is seen, the man has to be considered as guilty.”

Yājñavalkya Smṛti (2.103–107, summarized in commentaries):

Hands are marked after rubbing rice grains; seven aśvattha leaves are placed and bound; a red-hot iron ball of fifty palas is placed in the hands; the person walks through seven circles. Absence of burns indicates innocence.

Ordeal of Water (Jala-divya)

Nārada Smṛti:

“He whom the waters keep below the surface… is considered to refute the charge.”

(The accused is submerged; an archer shoots an arrow and a swift runner retrieves it. If the accused remains fully submerged until the runner returns, he is declared innocent.)

Yājñavalkya Smṛti (2.108 ff.):
Describes the procedure in which the accused must remain underwater while a messenger retrieves a shot arrow; remaining submerged establishes innocence.

Ordeal of Poison (Viṣa-divya)

Nārada Smṛti (VI.68–72):

“Now then I will proclaim the excellent rule regarding the (ordeal by) poison…Let him give the poison in the presence of (images of) the deities and Brahmans…
Let seven yavas be given… of poison from the Śṛṅga tree or Vatsanābha… mixed with clarified butter thirty times the quantity. In the morning and in a cool place let the poison be given…”

Yājñavalkya Smṛti:
The accused drinks a measured dose of śārṅga poison (produced in the Himalayas). If the poison is digested without adverse effects, he is declared innocent.

Physical Coercion / Torture to Extract Confessions

While the classical Dharmaśāstras (Nārada, Yājñavalkya) primarily regulate divya (divine ordeals) rather than routine judicial torture, physical coercion appears in the broader legal literature:

  • Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra (4.8 – “Trial and Torture to Elicit Confession”) gives the most detailed account of physical torture methods used to extract confessions (eighteen kinds, including beating, suspension, burning of joints, etc.), with restrictions (e.g., pregnant women exempt or given half-measure).
  • Dharmaśāstra texts themselves focus more on ordeals as the formal “divine” means of proof when human evidence fails, but they operate within a judicial system that accepted physical pressure in certain contexts (especially for lower-status defendants or serious crimes).

These passages are the primary textual basis for the statements about fire, water, and poison ordeals in the Dharmashastra tradition.

Their actual use in historical courts depended on local judicial practice.

12. Cannibalism

  • Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa – Lalita Mahātmya 12.65–69
    The gods, led by Indra, dig a large sacrificial pit and offer human flesh (mahāmāṃsa) to invoke the supreme Goddess (Lalitā/Śakti) during a crisis. A radiant form of the Goddess then appears. This mythological narrative comes from a well-known Śākta section of the Purāṇa.
  • Kālika Purāṇa 35.11–17
    Describes the fierce form of Mahābhairava / Śmaśāna-Bhairava, associated with cremation grounds, human flesh, blood, skulls, and wine. These verses reflect the left-hand (vāmācāra) Tantric imagery found in this Eastern Indian Śākta text focused on Kāmākhyā and fierce goddess worship.
  • Manusmṛti 10.105
    States that the sage Ajīgarta, driven by extreme hunger, prepared to kill his own son (Śunaḥśepa) but incurred no sin because he was acting to save his life. This is a classic example of āpad-dharma (rules applicable in times of dire necessity).

To be fair, only the Manusmṛti verse carries broad classical legal authority, and even then it is an exception for dire circumstances. The two Purāṇic passages belong to specialized Śākta/Tantric contexts and are not treated as general ethical or ritual norms by the majority of Hindu traditions.

13. Self-mortification

Authoritative Hindu sources affirm tapas (austerity, penance, self-discipline, and in many cases voluntary self-mortification or bodily hardship) as a legitimate and powerful religious practice. It appears from the Vedas onward as a means of generating spiritual “heat,” purifying karma, gaining supernatural power, attaining heaven or liberation, or pleasing deities. Extreme physical forms are described especially in the epics, Puranas, Dharmaśāstras, and later ascetic/Tantric traditions, though the Bhagavad Gītā and some other texts also caution against excessive or ego-driven self-torture not sanctioned by scripture.

1. Vedic and early literature (tapas as generative power and austerity)
The concept of tapas (from the root “to heat”) is foundational. Gods and creators generate the universe or their own power through it. (Source)

  • Example from Brahmana literature (e.g., related to Prajāpati): Prajāpati “toiled and practiced tapas” to create living beings.
  • Atharvaveda and other early texts associate the brahmacārin (Vedic student) with powerful tapas that affects the worlds.

2. Manusmṛti (authoritative Dharmaśāstra)
Manu strongly affirms tapas:

“All the bliss of gods and men is declared by the sages to whom the Veda was revealed to have tapas for its root, tapas for its centre, tapas for its end.” (Manu 11.235 approx.) (Source)

Forest-dweller and renouncer stages include progressive austerities: living without fire or house, sleeping on the ground, subsisting on roots and fruit, and “drying up” the body through harsher practices (Manu 6). 

3. Mahābhārata
The epic is full of stories of extreme penance and lists self-mortifying acts as means of purification or power (e.g., standing between fires, prolonged fasting, exposure, or even voluntary death by fire/mountain for atonement). One passage on expiation for serious sins includes:

“…by throwing one’s self down, for three times, with head downwards, upon a blazing fire… or by casting off one’s body, one becomes cleansed…” (Śānti Parva sections on penance). (Source)

Sages such as Viśvāmitra attain higher status through intense tapas.

4. Purāṇas (e.g., Śiva Purāṇa)
These repeatedly glorify tapas:

“Penance is the greatest rite. Fruits are achieved by penance… There is no happiness in the world that can be gained without penance… Heaven, fame and love are achieved through penance.” (Source)

Gods themselves (Brahmā, Viṣṇu, Śiva) are said to create, protect, or destroy through tapas. Extreme physical austerities (five fires, standing on one leg, prolonged immersion, etc.) are described in stories of sages.

5. Later ascetic, Yoga, and Tantric traditions
Yoga texts and Purāṇic/Tantric literature describe (and in some lineages practice) severe bodily disciplines: the “five-fires” penance (sitting amid four fires under the sun), prolonged fasting, breath control to the point of near-death, lying on thorns or nails, flesh-piercing, etc. These are presented as generating tapas for power or liberation. Popular and sectarian practices (e.g., certain sādhu ordeals, carak pūjā-style swinging by hooks in the flesh) draw on this heritage.

Authoritative sources from the Vedas through the epics, Dharmaśāstras, Gītā, and Purāṇas affirm tapas—including significant self-mortification—as spiritually efficacious. The Gītā and later reformist voices distinguish wholesome, scripturally guided austerity from egoistic or purely destructive self-torture. Extreme physical forms were historically practiced by ascetics and appear in myth and ritual manuals, though they were never mandatory for ordinary householders.

The most direct and authoritative source is the Kālikā Purāṇa (an Upapurāṇa closely linked to Kāmākhyā worship in Assam, roughly 9th–12th century). In its “Blood Chapter” (Rudhirādhyāya), it lists acceptable offerings to the Goddess, including:

“Birds, tortoises, alligators, goats, boars, buffalo, lizard… fishes, together with blood from one’s own body… are known as tributes…” (p. 501)

It further regulates the practice:

  • Blood may be drawn from specific parts of the body (between neck and navel, cheeks, forehead, arms, breast, etc.).
  • Violent or excessive cutting is discouraged; only a small quantity (e.g., the amount fitting on a lotus petal or the size of a grain of linseed/sesame) should be offered.
  • A Brahmin who offers his own blood incurs the guilt of suicide or Brahmin-killing and loses status; the practice is more associated with other groups or kings in restricted contexts.
  • Offering one’s own blood and a tiny piece of flesh with devotion is said to grant desires within six months.

14. Black Magic

These passages from the Atharva Veda, various Puranas, and Tantras reveal a tradition heavy on magical manipulation, bodily fluids, rivalry, and coercion rather than mutual affection or ethical restraint. The texts treat people (especially women and rivals) as objects to be subdued through plants, dirt, semen, blood, skulls, and mantras.

Love, Jealousy, and Sexual Control

  • A jealous wife digs up a plant to “quell the rival wife and gain the husband for one’s self,” driving the competitor “far into distance most remote” and declaring herself “stronger… mightier than the mightier” so the rival ends up “down, lower than the lowest dames.” Direct quote (Atharva Veda 3.18): “As a cow hastens to her calf, so let thy spirit speed to me.”
  • Charms against romantic rivals invoke Indra and Varuna to tear the competitor “asunder… like tangles of a creeping plant” and humble male pride (including explicit Latinized references to rendering the rival’s member limp and harmless). (Atharva Veda 7.90.1-3)
  • “How to hypnotise a woman” from Dattatreya Tantra mixes black datura, camphor, saffron, semen, blood, nail dirt, ear dirt, owl meat, and other substances applied as tilak, mixed in food, or buried with hair and semen at the doorway so the woman becomes “subjugated by a man with wealth and soul.” (Dattatreva Tantra 8.1-16)
  • Spells to make a man “consume with love” of the practitioner repeatedly beg the deities: “Madden him, Maruts, madden him… Let him consume with love of me” (Atharva Veda 6.130–131), even if he is leagues away.
  • Techniques to “secure the love of a husband” or wife involve washing or plastering private parts with Triphala, Ashwagandha, fish galls, sugar, honey, ghee, or pigeon dung and rock salt so the partner “will never visit any other” and remains bound “for the last day of her life.” (Agni Purana 302.7-18)
  • A man is instructed to smear his own seed on the woman’s left leg during sex or plaster his organ with flower pastes to “bring her under his control.” (Garuda Purana Chp 208)

Destroying Enemies and War Magic

  • Take the enemy’s excrement, place it in a human skull with the name written on it, and bury it; “till the excrement dries up, the enemy dies for sure. Do not give this experiment to any human being” (Dattatreya Tantra 2.14-15).
  • Repeated Atharva Veda amulets of darbha grass command: “Pierce thou my rivals… Crush thou… Burn thou… Slay thou my rivals… Cleave mine adversaries’ hearts in twain… Batter down their heads.” (Atharva Veda 19.29.1-9)
  • One extended curse pierces the hater with “ill-success… extermination… calamity… darkness,” sets him in the “tusks of Vaishvanara,” and ends: “Let him not live; him let breath quit” (Atharva Veda 16.7).
  • A lengthy battle formula addresses Chamunda in the cremation ground, riding a corpse, surrounded by skulls, demanding she “Kill… trample… cut… pierce… bind… make the strong body of the enemy fall down” with a cascade of kili kili, hum phat syllables (Agni Purana 135.1)

Fulfilling Desires and Other Charms

  • For “every desired thing,” the Narada Purana prescribes a midnight ritual on the dark fortnight involving a young, dishevelled, sexually capable woman representing Chinnamasta: make her naked, worship her, recite the mantra 10,000 times, satisfy her with gifts, then feed Brahmins to obtain sons, wealth, fame, and a “good wife.” (Narada Purana 3.87.32-36)
  • Pregnancy spell: touch the woman’s private parts with a Vishnu verse, then cohabit while saying “Give conception.” (Khadira Grihya Sutras 1.4.15-16)
  • Protection and anti-demon charms rely on “Hundred-haired” amulets, gold from fire, bdellium odor, and lists of gods and elements to banish fiends, consumption, and rakshasas. (Atharva Veda 19.36.1-6)
  • Gambling success is sought by honoring Gandharvas and Apsarases, the dice-loving “haunters of darkness.” (Atharva Veda 2.2.1-5)

These are not metaphors for inner psychology or gentle devotion. They are practical magical recipes for dominance, elimination of rivals, forced attachment, and material gain, often involving bodily waste, sexual fluids, animal parts, and human remains. The same corpus that contains lofty philosophical speculation also preserves this underbelly of coercive occult technique.

15. Human Sacrifice

Several ancient Hindu texts describe human sacrifice (puruṣamedha or naramedha), but their status, meaning, and historical use differ sharply.

The most authoritative Vedic sources treat it as largely symbolic or mythological. The Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (1.2.3.6-7) recounts an origin myth:

“At first, namely, the gods offered up a man as the victim. When he was offered up, the sacrificial essence went out of him. It entered into the horse…”

It then moves through ox, sheep, and goat before settling in the earth as rice and barley—explaining the shift to plant offerings rather than prescribing ongoing human sacrifice.

In the puruṣamedha description itself (Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa 13.6.2.12-13), men are bound and fire is carried around them, but a voice intervenes:

“Purusha, do not consummate (these human victims): if thou wert to consummate them, man would eat man.”

They are released, and the rite continues only symbolically. The Yajur Veda (Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā 30) lists various human types “bound” to stakes in an allegorical ritual tied to the cosmic Purusha, again ending in release rather than killing.

Later texts are more varied. The Padma Purāṇa contains a narrative in which a king is advised to perform a naramedha to obtain a son and is given criteria for a suitable victim (a handsome, learned man). Puranas also credit ancient kings with performing such rites as marks of greatness. The Tantric Hymn to Kālī (Karpūrādi-stotra, verse 19) is more explicit:

“O dark one… freely make offering to Thee in worship of the greatly satisfying flesh, together with hair and bones, of cats, camels, sheep, buffaloes, goats and men.”

Similar esoteric homa rites involving flesh, blood, bones, or “the body of a man” appear in sections of the Agni Purāṇa (especially Tantric or cremation-ground contexts). These later, Tantric passages—along with related texts such as the Kālikā Purāṇa—were historically invoked in certain Śākta and left-hand Tantric circles to justify limited human offerings, particularly in royal, wartime, or specialized goddess-worship settings. Mainstream tradition, however, largely rejected or strictly limited the practice, and texts such as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa explicitly condemn human sacrifice.

Certain groups, especially in Śākta-Tantric contexts associated with fierce goddess worship, used or followed prescriptions from Puranic and Tantric texts (like the quoted passages or closely related ones) that authorized limited human sacrifice. The core Vedic passages supplied the ancient ritual template but were largely reinterpreted symbolically and not used as active justifications for killing in later history.

Direct quote from the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (Mādhyandina recension), Kāṇḍa XIII, Adhyāya 6, Brāhmaṇa 2, paragraphs 12–13 (Julius Eggeling’s standard English translation in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 44):

“By means of the Purusha Nārāyaṇa (litany), the Brahman priest (seated) to the right (south) of them, praises the men bound (to the stakes) with this sixteen-versed (hymn, Ṛg-v. X, 90, Vāj. S. XXXI, 1-16), ‘The thousand-headed Purusha, thousand-eyed, thousand-footed…’ … Now, the victims had had the fire carried round them, but they were not yet slaughtered,—

Then a voice said to him, ‘Purusha, do not consummate (these human victims): if thou wert to consummate them, man (purusha) would eat man.’
Accordingly, as soon as fire had been carried round them, he set them free, and offered oblations to the same divinities, and thereby gratified those divinities, and, thus gratified, they, gratified him with all objects of desire.” (Source)
 

Certain Śrauta Sūtras explicitly describe the ritual killing of a human being.

The Śāṅkhāyana Śrauta Sūtra lays out the Puruṣamedha in concrete terms: a Brahmin or Kṣatriya is purchased for a thousand cows and a hundred horses, allowed to roam for a year under guard, then adorned, laid on special cloths, and “quieted” (the standard Vedic euphemism for suffocation or strangulation). The Udgātṛ then sings a Sāman to Yama over the body. The same text also prescribes immolating a human victim alongside a horse in the Sarvamedha. (Source)

These are not vague myths or later interpolations. They are precise ritual instructions from a classical Vedic manual, presented as the means by which the sacrificer obtains what the ordinary horse sacrifice cannot deliver. 

The Vaitāna and Kātyāyana Śrauta Sūtras do not merely “hint” at human sacrifice — they give step-by-step instructions for killing a man.

The Vaitāna Śrauta Sūtra is blunt: the sacrificer publicly offers a thousand cows and a hundred horses for a Brahmin or Kṣatriya. If no one volunteers, he is told to conquer his nearest enemy and use him as the victim. The text then walks through the process — bathing and adorning the man, binding him to the post, leading him to the slaughtering-place, making him lie down, and finally suffocating him — after which the Purusha-Nārāyaṇa litany is recited over the corpse. (Source) (Source)

Kātyāyana is only slightly less direct. While its main Puruṣamedha section releases the human victims unharmed, its Agnicayana (fire-altar) rite explicitly requires the literal slaughter of a man (a Vaiśya or Rājanya) in an enclosed place, complete with the longest sacrificial rope reserved for the human victim. (Source)

These are not mystical metaphors or later fabrications. They are precise ritual manuals telling the priest exactly how, when, and whom to kill.

Colonial-era records and regional histories document that some fringe practices survived into the late pre-colonial period.


Kālikā Purāṇa
(the text closely tied to Kāmākhyā worship; English translation by B.N. Shastri):
“If a human being is sacrificed following the rules laid down on that behalf the goddess remains pleased for full one thousand years, and when three men are sacrificed for one hundred thousand years.” (p. 502)

“With the human flesh the goddess Kāmākhyā and Bhairavi… are pleased for three thousand years.” (p. 502)

Colonial and missionary accounts frequently mention blood offerings (including occasional human ones) in Tantric Kālī worship and left-hand practices. Specific temple examples include reports of periodic offerings at certain Kālī temples. One older missionary/colonial-era summary states in The Men Who Ruled India:

“at Tanjore a male child was sacrificed in the Saiva temple every Friday evening until British rule forbade it.” (p. 253)

(From 19th-century accounts of remaining practices suppressed under British administration.)
 
Edward Gait, A History of Assam (1906 / later editions):
 
“the occasion was celebrated by the immolation of no less than a hundred and forty men whose heads were offered to the goddess on salvers made of copper.” (p. 53)
 
Wendy Doniger stated in her book On Hinduism:
 
“There is, however, in addition to the textual references to human sacrifice, also physical evidence of its performance, such as archaeological remains of human skulls and other human bones at the site of fire-altars, together with the bones of other animals, both wild and tame (horse, tortoise, pig, elephant, bovines, goats and buffalos).” (p.217)
 
David Kinsly wrote in Hindu Goddesses:
 
“The Kalika-purana devotes a whole chapter to sacrifices acceptable to the Devi and includes human beings as particularly pleasing to her (71.73). A goddess named Kesai Khati (eater of raw flesh) was worshiped in Assam, and sometimes human sacrifices were made to her. The Manimekalai, a Tamil epic, describes the temple of a goddess which has an altar surrounded by posts from which human heads are hung…The Kalika-purana says that the Devi is satisfied when her devotee offer flesh from near their hearts (71.74 ff.)…In the Devi-mahatmya two devotees of the Devi petion her to grant them boons, and as part of their spiritual exercises they offer their own blood and pieces of their flesh (13.8).” (p. 145)
 
Karel Rijik van Kooik wrote in Violence Denied: Violence, Non-Violence and the Rationalization of Violence in South Asian Cultural History:
 
“Blood sacrifice, even human sacrifice, is elaborately described in the Kalika Purana [Kalika Purana 67, 68-90. Edition Sastri 1972), a Northeast-Indian work dating to the 11th century (Kooij 1972:3). Rituals win which blood from of one’s throat is offered, or pieces of one’s own flesh, or even one’s own body are mentioned in this text [Kalika Purana 67, 155-168. Edition Sastri 1972]. A variant of the navakhanda-rite mentioned above is described in the chapter on ‘blood-sacrifice’. The text mentions a special oblation to Durga which is to be given on the Mahanavami, ‘the great ninth day’. This sacrifice is called the offering of the flesh and blood from eight parts of the worshipper’s own body. A man who presents an oblation like this, the text says, will obtain the destruction of enemies [Kalika Purana 67, 151-164. Edition Sastri 1972]. Self-decapitation is not part of this rite. However, head offerings are mentioned in particular in connection with the worship of Durga, and also with rituals which took place at cremation places. Several names of fearsome deities which are usually associated with Tantric Buddhism, are mentioned in this work (Kooij 1974), such as Heruka, ekajata and Ugratara. They must have been deities who were at home in Tantric Buddhism and Hinduism, and who were associated with this kind of rites. The text of Kalikapurana makes it very clear that human sacrifice is considered as an ‘exceedinly great oblation’ [Kalika Purana 55, 3-6. Edition Sastri 1972], which isn only permitted when the country is in great danger and war is expected. The sacrifice can only be carried out with the official permission of the king [Kalika Purana 67, 116-117. Edition Sastri 1972.” (p. 269)
 
Human sacrifice is not merely an allegation invented by modern critics. It appears in multiple layers of Hindu literature. The Vedic Puruṣamedha is presented in some major Brahmanical sources in a non-lethal/symbolic form, but other ritual texts require closer examination because they contain much more concrete descriptions of human victims. Later Śākta and Tantric literature is even more explicit: texts such as the Kālikā Purāṇa describe circumstances in which human sacrifice is considered an acceptable and highly potent offering. Historical sources additionally report instances of human sacrifice in particular Hindu contexts. None of this establishes that all Hindus or all Hindu traditions endorsed the practice; rather, it establishes that human sacrifice has genuine textual and historical precedent within parts of the Hindu tradition.

16. Child Marriage

Manusmṛti 9.94 states that a man of thirty should marry a girl of twelve, or a man of twenty-four a girl of eight (with a provision allowing earlier marriage if religious duties would otherwise suffer). This is an explicit recommendation of marriage at very young ages for girls within a major Dharmaśāstra text.

The same norm appears repeatedly across other authoritative works:

  • The Padma Purāṇa (Chapter 118) declares that a man should marry his daughter before she attains puberty and that wise men recommend marriage when the girl is eight years old. It further states she should be given to a learned, virtuous Brahmin who has studied the Vedas and observed celibacy.
  • Vasiṣṭha Dharmasūtra (17.70) is even more direct: “Out of fear of the appearance of the menses let the father marry his daughter while she still runs about naked. For if she stays in the house after the age of puberty, sin falls on the father.”
  • Gautama Dharmasūtra (18.21–22) rules that a girl should be given in marriage before puberty, and that the father who neglects this commits sin.
  • Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra (4.1.11) similarly instructs: “Let him give his daughter, while she still goes about naked, to a man who has not broken the vow of chastity… let him not keep the maiden in his house after she has reached the age of puberty.”
  • The Mahābhārata (13.44.13 and related passages) recommends that a man of thirty marry a girl of ten, or a man of twenty-one marry a girl of seven. It also discusses the consequences of delaying marriage past puberty.
  • Parāśara Smṛti states that the father, mother, and elder brother of a girl who menstruates before marriage “go to hell by seeing her thus in her periods.”
  • Yama Saṃhitā (verse 22) uses still stronger language: the father who does not give his daughter in marriage after she has completed her twelfth year “drinks her menstrual blood, month after month.”
  • The Viṣṇu Purāṇa advises a man to select a wife whose age is one-third of his own.
  • The Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa (9.41) declares that the goddess Lakṣmī never stays even for a moment in the house of one who marries an unmarried girl of twelve in whom menstruation has already commenced.
  • Viṣṇu Smṛti (24.41) reads that a girl who begins menstruating while still in her father’s house (unbetrothed) is considered degraded (vṛṣalī); a man who takes her commits no wrong.
  • Vishnu Purana 3.10.16 states that “If he marry, he must select a maiden who is of a third of his age”
  • The following is from the Devi Bhagavata Purana 9.41.26-47, which is completely authentic and authoritative within Shakta Hinduism. It reads, “The World-Mother never stays even for a moment in his house who eats at the house of one who marries an unmarried girl twelve years old in whom menstruation has commenced.”
  • Samhita reads, “By seeing a maiden in menses, her mother, father and eldest brother — these three go to hell. (67) Therefore one should espouse a maiden before .she has menstruated; the marriage of an eight years old maiden is most preferrable. (68)” (p. 340)
  • Medieval digests and commentaries (Virāmitrodaya, Parāśaramādhava, Nirṇayasindhu, Smṛticandrikā, Vaśistha, Gautama, etc.) continue to discuss and refine these age ratios, often treating pre-pubertal or very early marriage as the standard.

Commentators sometimes softened the exact numbers or offered alternative calculations, but the underlying textual pattern is consistent. Multiple respected strands of Brahmanical literature—early Dharma-sūtras (Gautama, Vasiṣṭha, Baudhāyana, Āpastamba), the Manusmṛti, the Mahābhārata, Purāṇas (Padma, Viṣṇu), and later legal digests—repeatedly present the marriage of girls before or at the onset of puberty as the proper, meritorious, or even obligatory norm. Failure to arrange such a marriage is frequently described as sinful for the father and sometimes for the mother and brother, with vivid warnings about spiritual consequences.

These are normative prescriptions from influential Smṛti and Itihāsa/Purāṇa literature, not statistical records of universal practice. Actual prevalence of child marriage varied by region, caste, period, and community. Nevertheless, the existence of this repeated and strongly worded rule across major authoritative texts is clear: the Brahmanical normative tradition accommodated and, in many cases, actively urged the marriage of girls at ages that modern standards classify as childhood.

What about when the marriage could be consummated?

Hindu texts generally prescribe or expect consummation of marriage after the girl has begun menstruating.
  • Manu Smṛti (3.46–47 and related verses):
    Sixteen nights beginning with the appearance of menses constitute the natural season (ṛtu). The first four nights are to be avoided; the remaining even nights are recommended for conception.
    Manu also states that a husband who fails to approach his wife in due season commits a fault.
  • Yājñavalkya Smṛti (1.79):
    Similar rule — sixteen nights from the onset of menses are the period for conception; the first four are forbidden.

It is believed that the average girl began having her menstruation at the age of 12:

“Throughout the period the age at menarche was about 12 years. A number of legislators considered the best age for conception to be around 16. When these data are compared with those obtained from classical Greece and Rome, the Indian age is found to be about 1–2 years earlier.” (Source)

Was pre-pubertal child marriage actually practiced in the Hindu world according to scholarly sources?

A.S. Altekar’s The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization (1956 edition) reads:

“From about 200 A.D., pre-puberty marriages became the order of the day. Yājñavalkya, who wrote at about this time, insists that girls should be married before the age of puberty; otherwise every month their guardians will be guilty of the destruction of an embryo.” (p. 56)

“The custom of pre-puberty marriages became common among the Brāhmaṇas alone in the beginning; one writer even of the 17th century A.D. observes that the Kshatriyas are not expected to follow it.” (p. 58)

P.V. Kane’s History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. II, Part 1 (1941):

“So we see that from about 600 B.C. to about the beginning of the Christian Era it did not matter at all if a girl was married a few months or few years after puberty. But by about 200 A.D. (when the Yāj. smṛti was composed) popular feeling had become insistent on pre-puberty marriages.” (p. 443)

“The rule that brāhmaṇa girls were to be married between 8 to 10 years became general from about the 6th or 7th century and continued down to modern times.” (p. 445)

In K. M. Kapadia’s Marriage and Family in India, classical Hindu texts are shown to encourage early marriage:

“It is said in Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra: ‘Let him give his daughter, while she goes still naked…; let him not keep (the maiden) in (his house) after she has reached the age of puberty.’ … ‘The father should give away his daughter while she is still nagnikā through fear of her attaining puberty.’” (pp. 138–139)

“It is said in Manusamhitā that a man of thirty may marry a girl of twelve and a man of twenty-four a girl of eight. Similarly in the Mahābhārata the ages… are said to be thirty and ten or twenty-one and seven. … ‘the father or guardian incurs the sin of destroying an embryo at each appearance of menses as long as the girl is unmarried after puberty’.” (p. 139)

“According to Parāśara, a girl of eight is called gaurī… beyond this she is rajasvalā. The parents and the eldest brother… go to hell. … A Brahmin who marries a rajasvalā girl… becomes the husband of a vṛṣalī… One would… expect pre-puberty marriage to be normal after the sixth century.” (pp. 142–143)

He concludes that it became the social norm:

“With the religious and social sanctions accorded to pre-puberty marriage by Parāśara, child-marriage spread much faster… And once it became a pattern with the Brahmins, it soon tended to become the norm for the Hindu community as a whole… the tendency of the lower groups to imitate the pattern of the higher… was natural.” (p. 143)

Kapadia further documents the lasting impact of these classical norms. Even in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the practice remained strong enough that reformers and governments repeatedly struggled against it. He records that Ramakrishna Paramahamsa married a girl of six, M. G. Ranade a girl of eight, and D. K. Karve a girl of nine (p. 146). Statistical samples he cites show that in earlier generations nearly half to three-quarters of girls in some communities were married before age 14. He notes explicitly: “Hindu tradition required a girl to be married at the latest by the time she attained puberty” (p. 159). Only gradual legal reforms (Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 and later measures) and rising education began to shift the pattern upward.

These passages show Kapadia documenting both the textual prescriptions for pre-puberty marriage and its later institutionalisation as a widespread, deeply embedded social norm.

Even today, it is still widely practiced. A 2026 study in the Journal of Biosocial Science analyzing the 2011 Census of India reveals that child marriage has historically deeply impacted Hindu communities, with 34.85% of Hindu women married under 18 and 10.19% married under 14. The 2011 data shows that under-14 marriages were actually higher among Hindus than Muslims, while under-18 rates were nearly identical across both faiths (34.85% versus 36.19%), proving that underage marriage has historically spanned religious lines.

For snapshots of the several sources in this section, click here.

Closing

The material surveyed above is not fringe, fabricated, or marginal. It is drawn from the most authoritative and historically influential layers of Hindu literature: the Vedas and Brāhmaṇas, the Manusmṛti and allied Dharmaśāstras, the epics, the major Purāṇas, and related legal-ritual texts.

These sources explicitly teach a birth-based caste hierarchy grounded in the Purusha Sūkta. They uphold Brahmin supremacy, prescribe Śūdra servitude, and establish graded, often mutilating punishments that spare Brahmins while ordering tongue-cutting, hot oil, branding, or death for lower castes. They elaborate systems of untouchability and ritual pollution that treat certain births as permanently defiling and require purification with cow urine and dung. They also regulate prostitution, recognize the sexual use of female slaves, and prescribe child marriage of girls as young as eight or before puberty, threatening spiritual ruin for any delay. Limited wife-beating is permitted as a disciplinary right; sati is incentivized with vast heavenly rewards; lying is permissible in several circumstances; judicial ordeals by fire, water (including the arrow-retrieval submersion test), and poison are authorized; and extreme self-mortification is affirmed as spiritually powerful.

In specialized Śākta and Tantric strata, the texts further contain prescriptions for human sacrifice, blood offerings, and a body of coercive black magic aimed at sexual control, rivalry, and the destruction of enemies. Polygyny is both regulated in the legal literature and lavishly exemplified among gods, sages, and kings. Even cannibalism appears: the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (Lalita Mahātmya) narrates the gods offering human flesh to invoke the Goddess; the Kālika Purāṇa associates the fierce form of Mahābhairava with human flesh, blood, and cremation-ground imagery; and Manusmṛti 10.105 excuses a sage’s readiness to kill and eat his own son under extreme hunger as āpad-dharma. (Only the Manusmṛti verse carries broad classical legal weight, and even then as an exception for dire necessity; the Purāṇic passages remain specialized Śākta/Tantric material not treated as general norms by most Hindu traditions.)

None of this proves that every Hindu in every century obeyed every rule. Hindu traditions are diverse; practice varied sharply by region, period, caste, and sect; and modern reformers as well as the Constitution of India have rejected or reinterpreted much of this material. Those facts matter. They do not, however, erase the contents of the texts themselves. The relevant question is whether major, traditionally authoritative Hindu scriptures and legal-religious literature actually contain and legitimize these teachings. They do. (Read here for the sources for the importance of Hindu scriptures)

By contrast, Christianity does not condone or encourage any of the practices catalogued above. Scripture affirms that every human being possesses inherent dignity as made in the image of God, and it elevates the command to love one’s neighbor as oneself as second only to the love of God. Under that standard, birth-based graded inequality, ritual pollution hierarchies, sex slavery, child marriage, wife-beating, coercive magic, cannibalistic imagery, and the rest stand condemned, because no one would wish to be subjected to them.


If you don’t know Jesus Christ as your Lord and Savior, you can receive Him into your heart, and He can deliver you from darkness and sin and have your name written in His Book of Life.

If you are sincere, you can say this simple prayer to the Father (it doesn’t have to be word for word):

“God, I recognize that I have not lived my life for You up until now. I have been living for myself and that is wrong. Please forgive me of all of my sins, just as I forgive others. I need You in my life; I want You in my life. I acknowledge the completed work of Your only-begotten Son Jesus Christ in giving His life for me on the cross, I believe in my heart Jesus is Lord and was raised from the dead and I long to receive the forgiveness you have made freely available to me through this sacrifice. Come into my life now, Lord. Take up residence in my heart and be my king, my Lord, and my Savior. From this day forward, I will no longer be controlled by sin, or the desire to please myself, but I will follow You all the days of my life. Those days are in Your hands. I ask this in the Lord and GOD Jesus’ precious and holy name. Amen.”

Click here to learn why you need Jesus.

 
 
 
 

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47 thoughts on “Christianity vs Hinduism Comparison”

          1. controversialchristian1

            How can you be certain, though? I mean, everything?! Are you so sure? And, what if you’re wrong? What then??

      1. James Martel

        Plus it’s one of the most violent and murderous religions on earth second only to Islam. Trinitarians have driven me right out of it with their judgmentalism of condemning others who reject the diabolical so called Christian Trinity. I’d rather listen to Sadhguru any day. Christianity is the most divided religion of earth.

        1. Nothing

          Mocking Hindu gods is way simpler to get away with than mocking gods and prophets from different religions, like Islam and Christianity. Within the media, primarily liberal media, they’ve been ridiculing Hindu gods with no empathy.Within the film PK there was an outrage, and might you blame Hindus, it was one other low blow by Bollywood after which stating Hindus are illiberal. Are you able to picture a prophet from Christianity or Islam being mocked? All hell would break free. Now look how tolerant Hindus actually are. Hindus are very tolerant, however when one thing critical occurs, they increase their voices after which they’re thought of illiberal. What nonsense!
          They tolerate a lot

    1. Anonymous

      i think he was drunk when he was writting this maybe he was broke bcz of that he wrote all this shit . ppl like him are racist . this show what he has extracted from bible { bullshit}

    2. Nothing

      Mocking Hindu gods is way simpler to get away with than mocking gods and prophets from different religions, like Islam and Christianity. Within the media, primarily liberal media, they’ve been ridiculing Hindu gods with no empathy.Within the film PK there was an outrage, and might you blame Hindus, it was one other low blow by Bollywood after which stating Hindus are illiberal. Are you able to picture a prophet from Christianity or Islam being mocked? All hell would break free. Now look how tolerant Hindus actually are. Hindus are very tolerant, however when one thing critical occurs, they increase their voices after which they’re thought of illiberal. What nonsense!
      They tolerate a lot

  1. how you can say any thing like thh to our god .
    i respect Jesus christianity but not people you
    actually you are the cause of war
    your jesus says love everything than god love to you than how you say that to hinduism gods

    you are devil in actual ways
    because

    Wrong IS Wrong

        1. Jesus Is King

          @Magogatoto
          @Annoymous
          @Krishna
          @Vanshrajgupta
          @VRS

          Do Your Research.
          You Know Nothing About Christianity.
          @Anonymous Jesus Christ Is Not Dead He Is Risen.

          Hinduism: Worship Statues Idols.

          Hinduism: Hinduism Believes That Everything In The World Is A Part Of The Almighty Both Good And Evil.

      1. Anonymous

        j. williams are you stupid .i mean after writting this all fucking shit here in comment box you write jesus loves you . what type of mentality you have got . before writting something about hindu god plz do research abt it i beg you plz do research . does your bible taught you descriminate ppl. are this all teaching of jesus .

        1. Anonymous

          Why you begging him to research about on Hindu religion if I he had that to love in his heart for everything. When Jesus told him to love everything then he wouldn’t have write like this. No need to tell anyone to research on religion. He just blindly loving his religion not Jesus. That’s all.

    1. Anonymous

      What a literate fool you are! Get the facts right before u post! Hinduism respect everything about mother nature hence the gods with animal faces. The meaning behind it is to respect everything how u respect a human being. U telling its a fake religion but it exist way before Christianity exist! So dont spread fake informations!

      1. James Martel

        I agree. Christians don’t respect anyone or even give a shit about one another let alone anyone else. I know I was in this debacle of a religion for 45 years before I got out.

  2. Anonymous

    Jesus can’t even saved himself is he going to save us😂😂😂 abrahamics are all fakes jesus was a philosopher killed by 4 pins

      1. Anonymous

        I won’t bow down to anyone. Do you bow down to me to a stranger with me or without me. I’m a god if Jesus comes before I’ll hug him and love him because he loves everything right then he loves me you hug your loved one. no need of your kind of people to misguide people in blindly love. Show true love to your god. Not blind love.

        No one need to bow anyone. Everyone is same in God’s eye I mean in my eyes.

  3. Anonymous

    Wow great if I ever meet Jesus O’ll tell him to smite you guys for being assholes who can’t even get the basics of Hinduism right. I mean seriously I can’t believe idiots like you actually exist. Jesus would be rolling in his grave if his body wasn’t stolen.

  4. Proud Hindu

    Fucking pigs. Wait a minute. I like want to say a lot of thing but wont.
    1 If ur Jesus died for ur sins, our lord shiva drank poison for us and remained alive!
    2 hinduism is the worlds oldest religion. It has sanskrit, the mother of all languages.
    3 prophet said he is the messenger of god, jesus said he is the son of god while our krishna said we ” Parth, I am God!”
    4 beauty of sanatan dharam– give respect even to ur enemies on his last time
    5 i am a brahmin and i rightfully agree that many of our ancestors tortured others. But at the same time, i will turn away from the fact that many of them actually worshipped god. There were no bad pandits right at the start of kali yuga. They even praised the pot from where they drank water.
    6 aryabhatta gave the decimal system concept of zero etc.
    7 and it was brahmagupta first who gave the concept of gravity not ur fucking newton.
    8 most people believe that hinduism is the most peaceful and humane religion in the world where we respect all animals as well!
    9 ( AND A LOT MORE)
    and look at ur fucking damn religion, if u dont fucking delete this side, i will call for Peg-A 1, the pegasus havking unit in our district and they will delete it and name u down.
    We have so many successes that u assholes consider them myths.
    If u have the guts, just land up in front of my doorhouse and i will do my part. Bastard!!!
    Jai shree ram! Jai hindu! Jai hinduism!!!

      1. Anonymous

        Hi born again Cristian. You say the Bible doesn’t not support reincarnation then how come your born again Cristian do you have any proof of your past life or are you telling lie. If your reincarnated then you may be a Hindu 🕉. Because Hindus have that concept right so Jesus save you and me from promoting liers.

  5. Name

    Jesus loves you and wants to save your soul from eternal death. Repent and recognize him as your saviour, and you shall have eternal life. Keep rejecting him, and you’ll earn a place in hell.

    Overcome your racist pride and hatred. In your heart you know that all this hindu bullshit is a giant lie, a trick by Satan to lead you to hell with him, away from God who loves you.

    I hope you will be able to accept the truth of the word of God, the Bible before you die. If you don’t, you will regret it forever upon your death.

    1. F**k Christianity

      Wow let see who is telling this dumb fact .your Jesus cant even save himself 😂😂😂f**k .listen idiot carefully hinduism have 33type of gods not 33million😂.all 27 buddha were Hindus .parama Brahman is supreme god /energy .dont c9nfuse it with Brahma .lord Vishnu and lord Shiva are formless when some called him by pure devotion then he will come in physical form .our main motive is break birth and life cycle and be one with supreme god .wait you are Christian 😂😂first human were two fking blondies 😂😂universe and humans came in existene before 6000 year ago .RIP science 😂😂 we Hindus introduced meditation ,yoga ,kalari(kung fu) to whole world .go and s**k your dead Jesus’s dick

        1. Anonymous

          How can you tell that he saved me and you. He died 2000 years ago and I’m not 2000 years old man. If I was I’m thankful to Jesus for his sacrifice which i dont know what sacrifice Jesus did but I Born in 1990s dude. So he didn’t save me at all. If he is real please save me from this racist people Jesus. God bless you.

          1. Anonymous

            I think you don’t understand the basic of Hindu religion. We worship everything literally everything. Do you do that like worshiping everything. As your Jesus love everything we are doing that since your Jesus born. So may be he learnt that from Hindus because he’s god right he know that we Hindus do that. Yeah we have rat temple so what’s wrong in that it’s in our tradition as I said earlier we worship everything. Yeah some god have animal face and bodies so what for you it may be illusion or demon but our ancestors did that to teach us to give respect and love to even animal also. That’s the concept here. I don’t know what you understand here you simply posted something nonsense to create problems and you telling Jesus loves you. Stop this nonsense. If you take care of your people then do that stop misguiding people. creating hatred in people’s heart so that you guys can jump on to save them later on to became saviour to them.

  6. This is a false Christian article , if you (The article publisher) are a true Christian then u must know the fact that The Christ never taught Christians to hate other faiths or talk bad abt them
    Hinduism is the infinite religion and it will continue to exist as long as the universe continues to exist
    Kali is the embodiment of the Divine Sakthi herself and the ideal half of the Supreme Lord Shiva- The embodiment of great power
    The greatest of all is Vishnu/ Narayana the great emperor of the Universe itself and he is Anantha
    Om Namo Narayana!!!
    Om Namo Narayana!!!
    Om Prabhanja Chakravarthin!!!

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